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Bluelight Crew
t the time, I considered their interest in alcohol as normal experimentation, and I talked with them about using responsibly — remember, this was Europe in the mid ‘7Os. Two years later, I came to the U.S. as a counselor with a group of Danish adolescents to spend 10 months riding motorcycles across the American continent. Again, I implemented a risk-reduction approach of "Don’t ride under the influence." The drinking age was lower in those years, and the 12 youth in the group followed this expectation. Over the next 10 months, we rode 65,000 miles in 42 states, and, while we had incidents with substance use, we did not have a single accident. While our group did not include anyone with serious substance abuse problems, this approach seemed to work because it was reasonable and made sense to youth.
In our current work, we approach substance abuse prevention in a graded manner: 1) providing information to delay the first use; 2) preventing recreational and experimental users from becoming regular users; and 3) helping those experiencing problems with substances from getting worse. The first two phases are addressed through health education, while special educational groups serve youth who are in phase three. We advocate abstinence and highlight the possible consequences of underage and illicit use, and we also stress reducing the risks associated with such activity Our approach is an alternative to the disease model and does not criminalize adolescent use. In earlier years, many kids told us: "If abstinence is the only option, I am not going to make any changes in my drug use." Now, we often hear, "If I can be more responsible with my use, maybe one day I’ll be abstinent."
Alcohol and adolescence
Among many adolescents, alcohol and drug experimentation is normal behavior, although certainly one fraught with risk. Jessor (1985) noted that experimentation may serve various functions during the developmental process. This can be a way of asserting autonomy by opposing adult authority, finding affiliation and connection with peers, coping with feelings of inadequacy, and relieving boredom and loneliness.
Research has demonstrated that the age when adolescents first start using alcohol, tobacco, and other illicit drugs is a predictor of later alcohol and drug problems. More than 40% of youth who start drinking at age 14 or younger develop alcohol dependence, compared with 10% of youth who begin drinking at age 20 or older. Tobacco use, particularly among girls, is a powerful predictor of future use of other drugs. For males, alcohol use can be a gateway to other drugs (Ericson, 2001).
As kids move into early adolescence, they change dramatically The new developmental tasks involve establishing independence, developing a coherent self-identity and adjusting to psychosocial changes associated with physical maturation. Adolescents begin to question adult standards and the need for parental guidance and increase their time with peers, and they begin to identify themselves with certain peers, while distancing themselves from others. They seek advice from friends who are understanding and sympathetic, and they experiment with new values with their peers — sometimes to seek adults’ reactions to their experimentation.
Substance use increases in adolescence (Johnston, O’Malley, & Bachman, 1998) as smoking, drinking, and other drugs become a way to appear mature while fitting in with peers. For kids challenged by abuse and neglect, alcohol or drug use is likely to amplify risks to their health and wellbeing. There is an association between smoking, depression, and anxiety in teens, and teens who smoke report more symptoms of depression (Kandel & Raveis, 1989).
While the disease model was designed to assist substance-abusing adults, adolescent substance problems differ from those of adults with chronic alcohol dependence (Bailey & Rachal, 1993; Kilty, 1990). Thus, very few adolescents and young adults meet the DSM-IV criteria for alcohol dependence (Baa, Kiviahan, & Marlatt, 1995). Most young adults reduce heavy drinking as they learn their limits and begin to assume other responsibilities, such as work and parenting. Consequently, interventions for adolescents should be different from those we use with adults.
When we talk with kids about why they use drugs, they answer, "to numb the pain of abuse and neglect" "to be accepted," "peer pressure," "to take control of my own life," "for relaxation and pleasure," "to chill," "to improve my self-image," "because I’m curious, stressed, or bored," and "to assert myself." It is obvious that adolescent substance abuse is not a younger version of adult substance abuse.
Disease Versus Strength
Over the last 20 years, the federal government has engaged in a war on drugs," the cigarette industry has been limited in its advertising targeted at adolescents, alcohol advertisements have been restricted, and states have increased the legal drinking and smoking age. Nevertheless, kids continue to smoke, drink, and use other drugs. During this same time, the disease model has shaped most research in the field. This framework has inevitably focused on the negative outcomes of illicit drugs, rather than a preventive, health-promoting perspective that could have explored patterns of adaptation and competence of kids and adults who have learned to manage their lives.
Strengths-based practitioners work from the premise that children and youth have strength and competence and can recover and bounce back from adversities (Garmezy, 1987). The focus becomes "finding, enhancing, and encouraging the utilizations of coping skills with which to navigate troubled waters" (Norman, 1997, p. 74). Research shows that youthful alcohol problems are often intermittent and may remit without formal treatment, rather than becoming fatal and progressive (Sobell, Cunningham, Sobell, Agrawal, Gavin, Leo, & Singh, 1996; Tucker, & King, 1999). This is congruent with resiliency research showing that most who struggle as teens and young adults overcome their problems and are well functioning in their 30s and 40s (e.g., Werner & Smith, 1992). Emerging studies (Smith, House, Croghan, Gauvin, Couigen, Offord, GomezDahi, & Hurt, T996; Hurt, Croghan, Crohan, Wolter, Patten, & Offord 2000) suggest that a decrease in cigarette smoking may be a viable alternative to cessation.
The strengths perspective offers a different lens to describe youths’ enchantment with cigarettes, alcohol, and other drugs and allows us to begin to see opportunities, hope, and solutions. Rather than channeling efforts toward correcting deficits of adolescent alcohol and substance use, we aim to achieve the desired outcome, i.e., that kids don’t become lifelong abusers or addicts. True growth only takes Place when individuals’ strengths are channeled toward goals that they themselves set.
The strengths perspective posits that work with kids at the policy, management, and direct service levels should focus on cultivating protective factors. Alcohol and drug problems are common among disenfranchised kids. Thus, our primary intervention should be to create reclaiming niches that provide kids opportunity for belonging, mastery independence, and generosity (Brendtro, Brokenleg, & Van Bockern, 2002).
cont....
http://www.cyc-net.org/cyc-online/cycol-0804-harm.html
In our current work, we approach substance abuse prevention in a graded manner: 1) providing information to delay the first use; 2) preventing recreational and experimental users from becoming regular users; and 3) helping those experiencing problems with substances from getting worse. The first two phases are addressed through health education, while special educational groups serve youth who are in phase three. We advocate abstinence and highlight the possible consequences of underage and illicit use, and we also stress reducing the risks associated with such activity Our approach is an alternative to the disease model and does not criminalize adolescent use. In earlier years, many kids told us: "If abstinence is the only option, I am not going to make any changes in my drug use." Now, we often hear, "If I can be more responsible with my use, maybe one day I’ll be abstinent."
Alcohol and adolescence
Among many adolescents, alcohol and drug experimentation is normal behavior, although certainly one fraught with risk. Jessor (1985) noted that experimentation may serve various functions during the developmental process. This can be a way of asserting autonomy by opposing adult authority, finding affiliation and connection with peers, coping with feelings of inadequacy, and relieving boredom and loneliness.
Research has demonstrated that the age when adolescents first start using alcohol, tobacco, and other illicit drugs is a predictor of later alcohol and drug problems. More than 40% of youth who start drinking at age 14 or younger develop alcohol dependence, compared with 10% of youth who begin drinking at age 20 or older. Tobacco use, particularly among girls, is a powerful predictor of future use of other drugs. For males, alcohol use can be a gateway to other drugs (Ericson, 2001).
As kids move into early adolescence, they change dramatically The new developmental tasks involve establishing independence, developing a coherent self-identity and adjusting to psychosocial changes associated with physical maturation. Adolescents begin to question adult standards and the need for parental guidance and increase their time with peers, and they begin to identify themselves with certain peers, while distancing themselves from others. They seek advice from friends who are understanding and sympathetic, and they experiment with new values with their peers — sometimes to seek adults’ reactions to their experimentation.
Substance use increases in adolescence (Johnston, O’Malley, & Bachman, 1998) as smoking, drinking, and other drugs become a way to appear mature while fitting in with peers. For kids challenged by abuse and neglect, alcohol or drug use is likely to amplify risks to their health and wellbeing. There is an association between smoking, depression, and anxiety in teens, and teens who smoke report more symptoms of depression (Kandel & Raveis, 1989).
While the disease model was designed to assist substance-abusing adults, adolescent substance problems differ from those of adults with chronic alcohol dependence (Bailey & Rachal, 1993; Kilty, 1990). Thus, very few adolescents and young adults meet the DSM-IV criteria for alcohol dependence (Baa, Kiviahan, & Marlatt, 1995). Most young adults reduce heavy drinking as they learn their limits and begin to assume other responsibilities, such as work and parenting. Consequently, interventions for adolescents should be different from those we use with adults.
When we talk with kids about why they use drugs, they answer, "to numb the pain of abuse and neglect" "to be accepted," "peer pressure," "to take control of my own life," "for relaxation and pleasure," "to chill," "to improve my self-image," "because I’m curious, stressed, or bored," and "to assert myself." It is obvious that adolescent substance abuse is not a younger version of adult substance abuse.
Disease Versus Strength
Over the last 20 years, the federal government has engaged in a war on drugs," the cigarette industry has been limited in its advertising targeted at adolescents, alcohol advertisements have been restricted, and states have increased the legal drinking and smoking age. Nevertheless, kids continue to smoke, drink, and use other drugs. During this same time, the disease model has shaped most research in the field. This framework has inevitably focused on the negative outcomes of illicit drugs, rather than a preventive, health-promoting perspective that could have explored patterns of adaptation and competence of kids and adults who have learned to manage their lives.
Strengths-based practitioners work from the premise that children and youth have strength and competence and can recover and bounce back from adversities (Garmezy, 1987). The focus becomes "finding, enhancing, and encouraging the utilizations of coping skills with which to navigate troubled waters" (Norman, 1997, p. 74). Research shows that youthful alcohol problems are often intermittent and may remit without formal treatment, rather than becoming fatal and progressive (Sobell, Cunningham, Sobell, Agrawal, Gavin, Leo, & Singh, 1996; Tucker, & King, 1999). This is congruent with resiliency research showing that most who struggle as teens and young adults overcome their problems and are well functioning in their 30s and 40s (e.g., Werner & Smith, 1992). Emerging studies (Smith, House, Croghan, Gauvin, Couigen, Offord, GomezDahi, & Hurt, T996; Hurt, Croghan, Crohan, Wolter, Patten, & Offord 2000) suggest that a decrease in cigarette smoking may be a viable alternative to cessation.
The strengths perspective offers a different lens to describe youths’ enchantment with cigarettes, alcohol, and other drugs and allows us to begin to see opportunities, hope, and solutions. Rather than channeling efforts toward correcting deficits of adolescent alcohol and substance use, we aim to achieve the desired outcome, i.e., that kids don’t become lifelong abusers or addicts. True growth only takes Place when individuals’ strengths are channeled toward goals that they themselves set.
The strengths perspective posits that work with kids at the policy, management, and direct service levels should focus on cultivating protective factors. Alcohol and drug problems are common among disenfranchised kids. Thus, our primary intervention should be to create reclaiming niches that provide kids opportunity for belonging, mastery independence, and generosity (Brendtro, Brokenleg, & Van Bockern, 2002).
cont....
http://www.cyc-net.org/cyc-online/cycol-0804-harm.html
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