cherrycolouredfunk
Bluelighter
^ They'd even pay you to take a course in spelling and typing too. 

^ They'd even pay you to take a course in spelling and typing too.![]()
The bitch I dealt with for my interview was a horrible horrible cunt. Demeaning, demoralising, sarcastic, rude, unhelpful. If everyone had someone like her it's no wonder so many people are unemployed.
They do a very poor job a lot of the time. mainly as you said, because they put up barriers rather than actually help (see article below).in fact its a wonder anyone goes into these places to get what they are entitled to. its an absolutely shameful system designed to put barriers up in front of people and make things very difficult for them. i used to do the job. it was joyless. you were either telling people the good news that they had now got a pittance to live on, or telling them that they were entitled to nothing at all, or you were dealing with the longtermers who kind of still got unemployment benefit due to the longness of their claim.....ah yes and i forgot to mention: you were working with some people who were horrible assumptive wankers talking about "people like that " and "these people..."
Private firms awarded multimillion-pound contracts to run the Work Programme have advised that there should be many more cases where claimants have their benefits stripped as punishment for failing to seek work.
As part of its crackdown on welfare dependency, David Cameron's government has more than tripled the number of punishments enforced against failing jobseekers across all its schemes. The number of cases has risen from 139,000 benefit cuts under Labour in 2009 to more than 500,000 in 2011. Yet documents obtained by the research group Corporate Watch reveal how private firms on payment-by-result contracts have suggested that a much greater number of punishments should have been meted out to people on the Work Programme, a key part of the coalition's drive to "get Britain working".
In the first eight months of the government's flagship employment scheme, jobcentres agreed to cut benefits in about 40,000 cases. But figures contained in an internal Department for Work and Pensions analysis reveal private firms running the programmes actually referred almost three times as many (110,000) for sanctions. And critics say jobcentres are gradually upping the number of those denied benefits.
Richard Whittell from Corporate Watch said the Work Programme appeared to be focused on slashing benefit rather than putting people into work. "These figures give the lie to the government's claims its welfare reforms are about helping people into work," he said.
"By the time it's finished, more people will have been sanctioned by the Work Programme than properly employed through it. Every month thousands of people are having their only source of income stopped and being pushed into hardship. Companies like Serco, Working Links and G4S may not be very good at finding people suitable work, but they're dab hands at punishing them." The private firms say they make their referrals to job centres in line with government guidelines.
After a week in which the prime minister signalled his intention to hit those on benefits harder to create a more "responsible" society, the new figures suggest a hardening of attitudes towards the jobless, in spite of widespread misgivings about the fairness of the reforms already in place. Two claimants last week took the DWP to court over being forced to work for free.
Jobseekers can lose their benefits for up to 26 weeks for "refusal, without good cause" to attend an employment programme or carry out what is called a jobseeker's direction, a formal instruction to take certain action. They can also be punished for "refusing employment without good cause, or losing employment through misconduct".
The public-private partnership giant, Working Links, which boasts a turn-over of £123m and whose shareholders include Capgemini, referred the most cases for sanctions (11,910) between June 2011 and January this year. The jobcentres accepted the argument for cuts in 6,210 of those cases. A4e, which paid its former chairman Emma Harrison an £8.6m dividend in 2010, referred the second largest number of cases for punishment. The firm, which has been at the centre of a series of fraud allegations, requested sanctions in 10,120 cases. Jobcentres agreed to withhold benefits in 3,000 of those cases.
Other large contract holders leading the way in demanding punishment for benefit claimants included Serco, which has an annual turnover of £4bn a year. The outsourcing giant recommended punishment in 9,090 benefit claimant cases, but only 2,230 were approved.
Employment minister Chris Grayling said there was no financial imperative for private firms to punish jobseekers. "This government expects jobseekers to comply with the conditions of their benefit if they are receiving taxpayers' money," he added. The DWP said that the figures had not been confirmed by the Office for National Statistics.
Just two months after the coalition's drugs policies came under fire from campaigners who accused the government of putting lives at risk by promoting total abstinence to deal with addiction, a fresh row has erupted over the transfer of longstanding drugs and alcohol services from the NHS to the voluntary sector. Substance misuse experts and trade unions are accusing the government of failing to stem a "rapid" and damaging loss of established NHS treatment programmes as charities increasingly win contracts for services put out to tender by local authorities.
The problem is so serious, according to Clare Gerada, head of the Royal College of General Practitioners, that "vital" NHS provision could be "extinct" within a few years. "I think we are taking services backward," Gerada says. "It's a full-on uni-directional shift from the NHS to the voluntary sector, and the pace is accelerating."
The furore around which organisations are best placed to provide addiction treatment and recovery services was thrust into the spotlight earlier this month following protests from unions when two NHS drugs services in the north of England lost out to charities in a recent tendering process. Public services union Unison and the Royal College of Nursing (RCN) criticised the decisions to withdraw contracts from existing treatment programmes, claiming the contracts were awarded to charities to cut costs, and arguing that local NHS staff and service users would be adversely affected by the disruption. A total of six centres across Manchester, including a needle exchange that has been treating users for decades on the largest housing estate in England, are being closed as part of the overhaul.
National problems
On the face of it, the demise of NHS addiction services in Manchester and Darlington shouldn't raise alarm bells. Services are put out to tender around the country all the time, and many programmes have been run successfully by charities for years. However, a Unison spokesman said the decision to transfer services from Greater Manchester West NHS trust, which delivers services to more than 2,500 people annually, to three charities (Crime Reduction Initiatives (CRI), Lifeline and Addiction Dependency Solutions) was emblematic of problems nationally resulting from what he called an "ideological mantra of competition" in the NHS under health secretary Andrew Lansley.
Gerada says that, from her vantage point as a GP with more than 20 years' experience of working closely with NHS addiction services and alongside charities, the key issue is a largely unreported wholesale dismantling of key NHS provision and an associated loss of expertise. "We are rapidly losing specialist services in which the NHS has led the world, [for example] in terms of HIV reduction. What we are seeing [now] is services being moved wholesale at a basement price to the third sector."
A worry for those working within the NHS, she says, is that many charities "don't want to take on the difficult cases" that are expensive to manage. "I don't think they are set up to offer services to what is a particularly chaotic, transient group."
Put this against a backdrop of the government's 2010 drugs strategy with its emphasis on recovery, which stresses discharging people quickly from addiction services, and with the wider austerity drive, and the problem is compounded.
"This is about cost – whatever anybody tells you – and cuts are driving a lot of this now," Gerada adds.
Martin Barnes, chief executive of DrugScope, an umbrella organisation for charities working in the sector, says there are legitimate anxieties surrounding the way services are commissioned, and that the retendering process can cause "massive uncertainty" for service users, staff and providers. "Unfortunately, we are aware that there can be little monitoring of whether services are better or worse after retendering."
Gary Sutton, head of drugs services at the drugs and human rights charity, Release, says: "Funding of drug treatment is now driven by competitive pricing, streamlining services and meeting the government's recovery agenda. Some areas have seen a 20% cut in funding for not discharging enough clients in the last 12 months." The danger, he suggests, is that service users "will not get the treatment they need" and providers "will undercut each other in a bid to obtain contracts".
Importantly, Sutton says, these concerns were flagged up as recently as April when the UK Drug Policy Commission published a document, Charting New Waters, examining potential threats to drugs services in light of the government's drugs' strategy, a key tenet of which was a radical shift from centralised oversight toward local control of commissioning services. The report raised a number of cautionary "early warnings", including questions about whether the changes would "deliver the outcomes that people need" or help control public expenditure. "In short, a major social experiment is under way, the outcomes of which are uncertain," the report concluded.
Mark Moody, director for the north and the Midlands for CRI, says that while he understands the worries people have concerning disruption caused by services being transferred, he is "absolutely confident" that CRI's quality of care will be equal to, if not better than, that previously provided by the NHS. It is not, he insists, about cutting costs or reducing services. "At any given time, CRI is working with around 32,000 services users [nationally]. We have a lot of experience at this. Transition is a priority. I personally feel people's worries are misplaced," says Moody.
Red herring
Tom Woodcock, director for the Lancashire drug and alcohol action team, agrees that the vital expertise Gerada speaks of "does not just exist within the NHS". He insists, too, that the idea of cuts driving commissioning is a red herring. Often what it comes down to, he believes, is NHS bidders being "naive" about what the tendering process entails. Much of the time, he says, NHS services "don't sell themselves" and they "don't have the commercial savvy" of the charities. "I think they are in danger of being stuck in a defeatist mentality."
But Woodcock admits that the government's drugs strategy, with its emphasis on local commissioning, opens the system up to marked differences in how services are commissioned and delivered by different local authorities. "There are some shocking arrangements in some parts of the country," he says. It doesn't help either, he adds, that the Department of Health has no centralised data on where contracts are being awarded, let alone tracking trends.
Woodcock says both NHS and charity providers might soon be shunted aside by large private companies such as G4S, who he says "are gearing up … and are waiting in the wings".
With the debate showing little sign of abating, those on both sides of the argument seem to agree on at least one thing. "Let's not forget who is at the centre of all of this … the service user," says Woodcock. "Providing the right service is what our focus should be."
So what's the deal with JSA these days? How many weeks / months do you get of being unemployed before you're sent off to a course or forced to pick up dog shite?