slimvictor
Bluelight Crew
Drug tests for welfare is a huge waste. But if we’re testing those getting taxpayer money, how about politicians?
BY BRIAN P. KELLY
Plenty of politicians have been guilty of flip-flopping, but if there’s one idea to which many hold, it’s that people on welfare are a bunch of lazy drug addicts. Most recently, the House approved an amendment to the Farm Bill that allows states to drug test those receiving food stamps, with the notion that this would save money and waste by preventing recipients from using the assistance on illegal substances.
If we’re curious about how drug testing programs work out, we have plenty of test cases, and the data is in. The verdict: plans like these are inane, wasteful, and discriminatory.
During the past year, the state of Utah has spent over $30,000 giving drug tests to welfare recipients. In that time period, only 2.6 percent of those tested were found to have used illegal substances — well below the national use rate of 8.9 percent. As in all eight states where drug tests are used to determine eligibility for government assistance, specifically Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Utah’s program was allegedly initiated on the grounds of saving the state money.
However, across the board these programs fail to do so — and that’s not even their biggest problem.
In 2009, Arizona was the first state to adopt a program that drug-tested recipients of welfare whom officials had “reasonable cause” to believe were using drugs. Besides stigmatizing recipients of government assistance, implying that they’re a group of no-good drug fiends, the bill was implemented to try rand resuscitate a failing budget, and Arizona officials believed that testing could save the state $1.7 million a year.
But in 2012, three years and 87,000 screenings later, only one person had failed a drug test. Total savings from denying that one person benefits? $560. Total benefits paid out in that time? $200 million. Even if we include the savings from cutting benefits to the 1,633 people who didn’t return the pre-test survey, it brings the total to only 0.1 percent of the amount distributed over that period.
cont at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NPJiBRKu19U&list=PLvUPkjPcv9_PgFJNX2LAgptyXvZEXMn63
BY BRIAN P. KELLY
Plenty of politicians have been guilty of flip-flopping, but if there’s one idea to which many hold, it’s that people on welfare are a bunch of lazy drug addicts. Most recently, the House approved an amendment to the Farm Bill that allows states to drug test those receiving food stamps, with the notion that this would save money and waste by preventing recipients from using the assistance on illegal substances.
If we’re curious about how drug testing programs work out, we have plenty of test cases, and the data is in. The verdict: plans like these are inane, wasteful, and discriminatory.
During the past year, the state of Utah has spent over $30,000 giving drug tests to welfare recipients. In that time period, only 2.6 percent of those tested were found to have used illegal substances — well below the national use rate of 8.9 percent. As in all eight states where drug tests are used to determine eligibility for government assistance, specifically Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Utah’s program was allegedly initiated on the grounds of saving the state money.
However, across the board these programs fail to do so — and that’s not even their biggest problem.
In 2009, Arizona was the first state to adopt a program that drug-tested recipients of welfare whom officials had “reasonable cause” to believe were using drugs. Besides stigmatizing recipients of government assistance, implying that they’re a group of no-good drug fiends, the bill was implemented to try rand resuscitate a failing budget, and Arizona officials believed that testing could save the state $1.7 million a year.
But in 2012, three years and 87,000 screenings later, only one person had failed a drug test. Total savings from denying that one person benefits? $560. Total benefits paid out in that time? $200 million. Even if we include the savings from cutting benefits to the 1,633 people who didn’t return the pre-test survey, it brings the total to only 0.1 percent of the amount distributed over that period.
cont at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NPJiBRKu19U&list=PLvUPkjPcv9_PgFJNX2LAgptyXvZEXMn63

