(published may 2023, so before the conflict)
5 CONCLUSION
This paper has examined the logic of cemetery destruction, demonstrating the intrinsic connection between attacks on communities and the visible markers of their collective cultures. Where genocide is concerned, the target is the collective. Therefore, genocide is an attack on something greater than mass murder: It is an attack on the communal structures—tangible and intangible—that hold groups together as a collective. This understanding of genocide, identified in Lemkin's original conception, thus holds diverse types of destruction as elements of a single, multi-dimensional process, rather than distinct phenomena. The motivations and legacies of the destroyed cemeteries of Zvornik and Divič attest to this.
Three motivations behind the destruction of cemeteries during genocidal campaigns emerged, namely the strengthening of the myth of national purity, the reclaiming of land that is ‘ours’ and the attempt to erase all visible evidence of ‘the other’—all of which can express genocidal intentions. The second section of the analysis, addressing the impact and the legacy of cemetery destruction, reinforces these findings: namely the reinforcement of cultural separation and mistrust that genocidal campaigns foster and the continued violence on the part of the conflict's winners. It is clear that any attempt to examine a genocide without considering the dimension of cultural destruction will fundamentally ignore crucial aspects of the nature and legacy of genocidal campaigns themselves.
In Bosnia–Herzegovina, cemeteries continue to be targeted even during peacetime, denoting their enduring communicative power. Brett Dakin (
2002: 254) maintains that even after the Dayton Peace Agreement was consolidated, Islamic cemeteries in Banja Luka have been destroyed and cleared, including exhumed remains of Muslim dead. The 2005 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom submitted to the Committee on International Relations in the United States House of Representatives (
2006: 292) also revealed that in 2005, twenty-six graves in the historic Muslim cemetery in Prnjavor were desecrated, as well as numerous Muslim graves in the Brezičani cemetery near Prijedor, both in Republika Srpska. This continuing phenomenon clearly warrants future examination through quantitative and further qualitative methodological approaches to fully enumerate its occurrence.
Furthermore, examples of cemetery destruction during genocidal campaigns are not unique to Bosnia–Herzegovina and the former Yugoslavia. Multiple studies explore the significance and messaging of cemetery destruction in the cases of Native American communities (Cameron,
1994), Iraq (Isakhan,
2011), Mali (Martinez,
2015), Jewish cemeteries in Greece by Nazis (Saltiel,
2014) and destruction of African American cemeteries (Rainville,
2009) and multiple other contexts where genocidal processes have been identified or are suspected. This suggests the transferability of an examination of the nature of a genocide that centres on the destruction of cemeteries as its metric.
This paper has presented one significant dimension of the logic of cultural violence in one case but suggests that more analysis is required. The stakes are high for this research: our policy and academic misidentification of the nature of genocide and how the logic of cultural destruction fundamentally reinforces it means that our ability to resolve attacks of this type will be impeded.