U.S. v. Kalash - Drug Law Constitutionality and Other Unconventional Defenses

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Don't you have the right to appeal with no consequences? IF not disregard this, but if you do why not at least go for it? I mean I wouldn't want to try and convince you to do anything you don't wanna do, but it seemed like you really wanted to do this. Don't give up now!
 
Kalash, what Nebbia and decisions since mean is that even if the science is poor, or you find it unpersuasive, or you have an army of the best credentialed scientists laden with databases and studies showing Congressional judgment to be flawed... the courts will still not overrule the legislature, because it is not the place of the courts to do so in this area so long as there is some rationale for Congressional action, and so long as it is not capricious or arbitrary.

More to the point, it means that the fundamental property right you need for the appeal to succeed was considered and discarded 70 years ago---and even then its existence was inconsistent.

If this were in an area involving sexual autonomy, you'd have more of a case. But this case simply involves your claim that you have a right to own and to use a certain type of property. For any appellate court, this is a closed question.
 
But if the information given to Congress in order for them to come to their conclusions has been withdrawn as fraudulent, and Congress refuses to change their position even though it is based entirely upon falsehoods - not just competing scientific findings - the determination of Congress is not arbitrary?

Basing their findings on inconclusive data - or erroneous data is not capricious - not a determination made on impulse rather than pertinent information?

I argued for #$&* near everything in my motions - including the range of the sentencing guidelines.
That should be preserved for the appeal. If nothing else - the 2001 increase in sentencing for MDMA should be up for review - as it was based upon the capricious information of Dr. Ricaurte's studies, and little, if nothing else.
Even if the law itself cannot be overturned by holding Government within the confines of the Constitution, the penalties for MDMA can surely be challenged?



Of course - I still want to know when acts of legislature became "due process of law" - as they were not, and the Courts said they could NOT BE, if there were to be any limitations on the powers of the legislature.
From - http://chestofbooks.com/society/law/The-Constitutional-Law-Of-The-United-States/3-Criticism.html
"The Constitution being the supreme law, it follows of course, that every act of the legislature contrary to the law must be void. But who shall decide this question? Shall the legislature itself decide it? If so, then the Constitution ceases to be a legal and becomes only a moral restraint on the legislature. If they, and they only, are to judge whether their acts be conformable to the Constitution, then the Constitution is admonitory or advisory only, not legally binding; because, if the construction of it Test wholly with them, their discretion, in particular cases, may be in favor of very erroneous and dangerous constructions. Henee the courts of law, necessarily, when the case arises, must decide upon the validity of particular acts." Webster, Works, Vol. III, 30.

What you're saying is that Congress itself determines the limits of its powers - that they enact with any cause given, and the courts will not second guess those decisions.
That's unacceptable in any case - drugs or otherwise.

AH!
Marbury v. Madison is what I was looking for (I think >_<)- here's an excerpt from where I found that above...
Marshall in his opinion in Marbury v. Madison adverts to this, but does not, as he should have done, make it the foundation of his argument. He says: "The judicial power of the United States is extended to all cases arising under the Constitution. Could it be the intention of those who gave this power, to say that in using it the Constitution should not be looked into? That a case arising under the Constitution should be decided without examining the instrument under which it arises? This is too extravagant to be maintained." After quoting certain prohibitions of the Constitution upon legislative action, Marshall continues: "From these and many other selections which might be made, it is apparent that the framers of the Constitution contemplated that instrument as a rule for the government of courts, as well as of the legislature. Why otherwise does it direct the judges to take an oath to support it? . . . It is also not entirely unworthy of observation that in declaring what shall be the supreme law of the land, the Constitution itself is first mentioned; and not the laws of the United States generally, but those only which shall be made in pursuance of the Constitution, have that rank. Thus the particular phraseology of the Constitution of the United States confirms and strengthens the principle, supposed to be essential to all written Constitutions, that a law repugnant to the Constitution is void; and that courts, as well as other departments, are bound by that instrument."


I fear I share Judge Napolitano's views...
http://www.tenthamendmentcenter.com/2009/04/22/can-congress-write-any-law-it-wants/
And regardless of the harms done to the rights of the people during the history of this nation, the only correct course is to re-assert them and demand they be recognized.
 
What I'm saying is that when it comes to the regulation of property, the government need only meet a rational basis test, which is not much of a test at all.

It does not matter if new science shows the Congressional findings to have been in error; it is for the legislature, and not the courts, to correct the error. Moreover, you must understand just how loose the rational basis test is. If the court itself can conceive some hypothetical purpose for the law, then the law passes the test.

In the case of MDMA, it is obviously quite easy to come up with rationalizations for its prohibition. Of course, in this case the science about the harmful effects of it isn't seriously in question; Congress, and any state government, has ample rationale for banning it. I doubt even the Lochner court would have struck it down.

This is NOT to say that the courts are abdicating their responsibility to decide whether a statute is constitutional to the legislature. Instead, the courts have determined that the Constitution itself leaves such judgments to the legislature, and gives legislature a wide latitude on such matters; the courts do not sit as a super-legislature of sorts, second-guessing judgments of Congress as to economic or medical or public-health effects.

Where a statute infringes upon a specific right named in the amendments, THEN the courts will generally look with far greater scrutiny at the statute in question. But, again---and this is the key point---this right to property has not been found to be one of those rights; in fact the courts expressly decided in the 1930s, and have held without exception since that time, that such a right was NOT to be found in the amendments, or accorded the protection you think it should be.

So, listen, there's just no question that an appellate court would reject an appeal based on a property rights argument. I think that you've come to enjoy the fight to an extent, and perhaps even enjoy the opportunity to present arguments to a court and hear its response; which may point you towards a legal career in the future. I can understand the reluctance to give up the fight.

Now, as to sentencing guidelines, I'm not quite sure what the nature of your challenge would be. Your sentence was very recently handed down, so I can't imagine there would be any of the ordinary problems with it.
 
What I'm saying is that when it comes to the regulation of property, the government need only meet a rational basis test, which is not much of a test at all.

It does not matter if new science shows the Congressional findings to have been in error; it is for the legislature, and not the courts, to correct the error. Moreover, you must understand just how loose the rational basis test is. If the court itself can conceive some hypothetical purpose for the law, then the law passes the test.

In the case of MDMA, it is obviously quite easy to come up with rationalizations for its prohibition. Of course, in this case the science about the harmful effects of it isn't seriously in question; Congress, and any state government, has ample rationale for banning it. I doubt even the Lochner court would have struck it down.

This is NOT to say that the courts are abdicating their responsibility to decide whether a statute is constitutional to the legislature. Instead, the courts have determined that the Constitution itself leaves such judgments to the legislature, and gives legislature a wide latitude on such matters; the courts do not sit as a super-legislature of sorts, second-guessing judgments of Congress as to economic or medical or public-health effects.

Where a statute infringes upon a specific right named in the amendments, THEN the courts will generally look with far greater scrutiny at the statute in question. But, again---and this is the key point---this right to property has not been found to be one of those rights; in fact the courts expressly decided in the 1930s, and have held without exception since that time, that such a right was NOT to be found in the amendments, or accorded the protection you think it should be.

So, listen, there's just no question that an appellate court would reject an appeal based on a property rights argument. I think that you've come to enjoy the fight to an extent, and perhaps even enjoy the opportunity to present arguments to a court and hear its response; which may point you towards a legal career in the future. I can understand the reluctance to give up the fight.

Now, as to sentencing guidelines, I'm not quite sure what the nature of your challenge would be. Your sentence was very recently handed down, so I can't imagine there would be any of the ordinary problems with it.


Then it's high time the Supreme Courts reversed this wrong against the American people.

I checked in with pre-trial today, and her first comment on RDAP was that I don't qualify.
:-/
So - if that's indeed the case - the court's position is nothing more than fear mongering in an attempt to prevent me from seeking justice in the higher courts (or to keep the higher courts case-load down).

I still contend that there's a difference between legitimate regulation and a seizure through what appears to be a bill of attainder - which is prohibited by the Constitution.
Property - unrestrained by government - is not a right recognized, but property itself is a right, while subject to limited restraints, cannot be seized (4th) nor use or possession deprived (5th) of a person through legislative enactments.
The alleged dangers of MDMA are not a legitimate concern of the state - as the state's purpose is not to impose morality nor determine which risks a free person may undertake in their pursuit of happiness - to long as those risks to not cause harm to another without their consent. The state claims to have usurped the ability to consent, as well as the ability to pursue happiness in one's own way, without first petitioning government for permission to engage in potentially self-destructive behavior.
If the state has a compelling interest in the personal welfare of each person, we are a slave-state - as Government is protecting an interest in its Human Property by legislating away "risks" rather than "crimes"
And I'm still not satisfied with the answer that mere "rational review" of a "state created interest" can permit government to become destructive of the rights of the people - when the only legitimate state interest is the protection of those rights... How powers can be taken that are not part of the inherent rights of the people to begin with.

It doesn't make sense - and without a "compelling state interest" clause limiting the protections of the 5th amendments, the laws are still, in my mind, completely unconstitutional and invalid.

The debate now is whether to pursue the appeal... And I see no justifiable reason not to.
If the laws exist, America as a free country does not.
The powers that are vested in government need to be challenged or revoked completely if we're to regain our liberties.
 
I checked in with pre-trial today, and her first comment on RDAP was that I don't qualify.
:-/


Well that sucks. Is that definitive? Even if so, your sentence is still relatively short.

So - if that's indeed the case - the court's position is nothing more than fear mongering in an attempt to prevent me from seeking justice in the higher courts (or to keep the higher courts case-load down).

While the judge sounds like a sensitive sort, I think you overestimate his concern for his appellate brethren. :)

I still contend that there's a difference between legitimate regulation and a seizure through what appears to be a bill of attainder - which is prohibited by the Constitution.

This is certainly not a bill of attainder. No one's been deprived of trial by legislative fiat.

Property - unrestrained by government - is not a right recognized, but property itself is a right, while subject to limited restraints, cannot be seized (4th) nor use or possession deprived (5th) of a person through legislative enactments.

The seizure or dispossession can become authorized by a law, provided that we stay within constitutional boundaries. So, for example, a group of homes can be seized for the purposes of a building an interstate, so long as compensation is provided.

The alleged dangers of MDMA are not a legitimate concern of the state - as the state's purpose is not to impose morality nor determine which risks a free person may undertake in their pursuit of happiness - to long as those risks to not cause harm to another without their consent.

You're not going to get anywhere with this argument. The dangers of a substance sold to the public are not a legitimate concern of the state??

And I'm still not satisfied with the answer that mere "rational review" of a "state created interest" can permit government to become destructive of the rights of the people - when the only legitimate state interest is the protection of those rights... How powers can be taken that are not part of the inherent rights of the people to begin with.

The interest of the state has never been held to include the mere protection of rights; it includes, expressly, the general welfare of the people. Read the excerpt I quoted from Nebbia.

The debate now is whether to pursue the appeal... And I see no justifiable reason not to.
If the laws exist, America as a free country does not.
The powers that are vested in government need to be challenged or revoked completely if we're to regain our liberties.

Regarding the appeal, I'd be sure there are no negative consequences before proceeding. Talk to your attorney.
 
Well that sucks. Is that definitive? Even if so, your sentence is still relatively short.
True - it's not bad.
As for definitive - I don't meet the entry qualifications - and the court's recommendation cannot overcome them - though it is not definitive as it's up to the BOP, not the judge, probation, nor pre-trial.

While the judge sounds like a sensitive sort, I think you overestimate his concern for his appellate brethren. :)
Yeah - probably.

This is certainly not a bill of attainder. No one's been deprived of trial by legislative fiat.
It's the other way around... people have been deprived of their property without trial through legislative fiat, and while the appearance of "due process" continues to exist, it is a false front put on by Government acting in a criminal capacity.
All property of any drug user/dealer is seized - without trial - without compensation - without due process of law - and is held to be controlled by the state.
The trial after being arrested for possessing that which has been seized without due process is arbitrary and simply for show; how can one be "guilty of the offense of possessing his own property" if that property has not yet been seized and denied him without trial?

The trial to determine if one has, indeed, had the gall to possess his property is not a trial to determine culpability nor guilt, only to determine if one has engaged in the exercise of their property rights without the allegedly required permission (license) from the state.
And a right cannot be seized from the people and licensed back to them - such a law is invalid and can be ignored with impunity.

The rights themselves have been seized by Government through the legislature, and an entire class of people - drug users - are being denied any right to property (homes are taken, boats, cars, etc... all for having "possessed drugs" without the right to those drugs being taken via due process of law). The right to property ownership has been taken - people are deprived of their property - without trial.
The trial comes afterward - determining if one has possessed that which the state has seized in name, but not physically, from the person in possession with ownership not recognized by the state.

At this point, you are being tried for exercising a right which has been taken without trial.
That is not a trial. It is not due process.
It is a sham.

The seizure or dispossession can become authorized by a law, provided that we stay within constitutional boundaries. So, for example, a group of homes can be seized for the purposes of a building an interstate, so long as compensation is provided.
Yet there is no "public purpose" to which the seized drug property is to be placed.
Drugs are seized to be destroyed... not used for public benefit. This is beyond the scope of Government to seize through eminent domain.
Compensation is also not provided (assuming free room and board is not compensation), making the seizure invalid.

The state cannot control that which it has not first seized - or deprived of the owner.
In the state's assumption of complete control over drug property - without compensation nor trial - is beyond Government's powers under the Constitution because of the 5th Amendments limits on their powers.

If a legislative act is not due process alone - and if it were, any enactment of Congress could deprive anyone of any thing without hindrance by the Constitution - the CSA cannot be the due process by which the owner of the property is deprived, and that usurpation of one's right to not be deprived of their property must originate from somewhere else.

You're not going to get anywhere with this argument. The dangers of a substance sold to the public are not a legitimate concern of the state??
There is inherent danger in all things - drinking too much water is deadly. Should all water consumption be monitored and controlled by the state? Or is this an infringement upon one's unalienable liberty?
No - dangers of a substance sold to the public are not a legitimate concern of the state, provided that the dangers are known, and the consumer is informed of the risks involved as well as the perceived benefit of the good to be used.
The current laws are prohibitive to public education about the dangers and benefits of drugs, and personal liberty - personal choice - has been criminalized, if one reasons differently than the state.
Chain-saws and kitchen knives are inherently dangerous, but do not necessitate Governmental control or regulation.
The idea that they must yield to that kind of control is ridiculous.
They have a perceived benefit - cutting something one wants cut - and a risk:benefit ration which the consumer must weigh for himself if he is to be free.
By controlling a substance because government has made a risk:benefit analysis and determined that no person has any right to evaluate that ration themselves, people are being denied their unalienable rights of liberty and pursuit of happiness.

The limits on chain-saws and kitchen knives remain the same for drugs; their use cannot interfere with the rights of another.
You can cut your own hand with a kitchen knife, and it is not a crime.
To cut the hand of another is assault.
You can cut your own tree with the chain-saw and it is not a crime - even if you cut off your own hand, foot, arm, or leg.
You cannot cut any property of your neighbor without his consent, or it is crime.

Drugs cannot be viewed differently, as they are nothing more than property which can be used without detriment to another.
If that use causes harm to another, crime has indeed been committed, but drugs themselves are not CRIME, and cannot be considered so if we are to retain any liberty at all.

The interest of the state has never been held to include the mere protection of rights; it includes, expressly, the general welfare of the people. Read the excerpt I quoted from Nebbia.
The Fifth Amendment, in the field of federal activity,14 and the Fourteenth, as respects state action,15 do not prohibit governmental regulation for the public welfare. They merely condition the exertion of the admitted power, by securing that the end shall be accomplished by methods consistent with due process.
[/quote]
And again we're in conflict over what amounts to due process.
If a legislative act for any means devised by the legislature so long as it brings about that which the legislature means to achieve IS due process of law, the Constitution is rendered completely meaningless.
No rights existent prior to the Constitution, from which its powers gifted to Government are drawn, have any meaning - rendering the powers granted by the Constitution to Government invalid, as their source has been deemed to not exist.

Regarding the appeal, I'd be sure there are no negative consequences before proceeding. Talk to your attorney.
The only negative consequence was an adverse reaction by the BOP regarding the RDAP program.
That's it.

Seeing as how neither I, nor pre-trial, believe that I qualify for the program anyway, I don't see how pursuing the appeal and losing my ability to be placed into a program I cannot be placed into anyway could possibly be detrimental.
 
Government DOES regulate the content of water, the manner of construction of knives and chainsaws, etc. It regulates the content of the air, the manner in which buildings can be constructed, the medicines that can be sold and prescribed, the food that can be sold, the cars that can be purchased, etc.

That it allows some things you find harmful to exist, while banning others, is perfectly appropriate. This precise argument was addressed in Nebbia.

So far as the bill of attainder question... the prohibition was applied to the substance itself, not to any group of people; notice was given; everyone is subject to prosecution. This is a non-starter.

I'm going to keep my fingers crossed the drug program.
 
The legislature can and does decide to ban or regulate items even if the harm which befalls the user may be the result of an assumed risk by the user. The legislature has the power to promote the general welfare, which includes public health and safety, and it is not limited by the libertarian principle you outlined above. It never has been. In this country we find it useful, and just, that the legislature can have the power to ban or regulate substances. I personally find it a good thing. It's part of the reason why our planes and cars are so safe, why my food is likely to be safe, why buildings are so safe, why we need not worry so much about parents purchasing toys with lead paint.

It's also why the legislature can pass minimum wage laws. Even if you WANT to sell your labor--your own labor--at a lower rate, you can't. Even if you WANT to work in a factory that doesn't meet legal standards of safety, you can't. All these regulations were once contested on very similar grounds to your arguments against the CSA. The issue was decided a long time ago.

Again, the legislature can decide that the uses of chainsaws outweigh the dangers, and can regulate them more lightly (they nonetheless are regulated, by the way) than MDMA. That's the legislature's call. The courts don't get to make such policy, and for good reason.

If you include this argument in your appeal, you will weaken the appeal, since it has absolutely no basis in law.

Due process in your case occurred when you were given the opportunity to consult with a lawyer, go to trial, plea bargain, etc.

If you nonetheless do go this route, you will need to begin familiarizing yourself with Lochner, and the cases overruling it; and cases like Meyers v. Nebraska, and cases following and citing it, which find certain specific rights inherent in the "liberty" protection of the due process clause. But again, I must warn you: property rights, as you describe them, are NOT held to be of the same type as those found in Meyers, Roe, Lawrence, and have been expressly held to be subject to state regulation.

Any appeal of this type must address these cases. But, again, I warn you that you will not get a sympathetic hearing, or a favorable decision.

You might also try looking up law professors such as Richard Epstein, and others, who may actually support your view of property rights.

Regarding bills of attainder... The law banning MDMA bans it period, whether a drug user possesses it or not. If the law stated, for example, that all Communists should be arrested and imprisoned, because Communists are disorderly and violent, THEN you'd have a bill of attainder issue. But you don't here. The law applies equally, and is specifically limited to particular acts, not targeted at particular persons or groups.

Okay... now appeal aside, I love the suggestion that you take any paralegal courses offered, and I also suggest that you take the time you'll have to learn more about the law, and how it works. Focus on basic skills at first. Learn to break down a case by Facts, Issues, Rationale, Holdings, and Dicta. Learn how to shepardize or keycite a case. Then, since you'll have access to a prison legal library, start practicing those skills with actual legal issues and cases. Don't take on anything very complex at first. Start with simple issues, simple cases, learn how to find the string of cases, and statutes, that make up the law on those issues.

You're coming out of this okay, Kalash.
 
My problem with your contention about "regulation" of things remains the same...
There is a difference between regulations which limit use or distribution, and a regulation that prohibits use and distribution completely.

While the contents of water can be regulated, one cannot be required to obtain a license in order to possess nor use water which they own.
There are no licensing restrictions on chainsaws, only regulations regarding business use and recommendations for ages.

Prohibition is beyond Government's authority - when a regulation is put into place with the intention of absolute prohibition, it exceeds the Constitutional grants of power.
Government may not prohibit with regulatory policy - they can restrain, but not mandate abstention.


NIGRO! =D
>_<

http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/cgi-bin/getcase.pl?court=US&vol=276&invol=332
NIGRO v. UNITED STATES, 276 U.S. 332 ('1928')
In interpreting the act, we must assume that it is a taxing measure, for otherwise it would be no law at all. If it is a mere act for the purpose of regulating and restraining the purchase of the opiate and other drugs, it is beyond the power of Congress, and must be regarded as invalid, just as the Child Labor Act of Congress was held to be, in Bailey, Collector, v. Drexel Furniture Co., 259 U.S. 20 , 42 S. Ct. 449, 21 A. L. R. 1432.

How can we go from a prohibition on this power from the Supreme Court rulings in regards to a taxing act...
To full acceptance of regulation amounting to prohibition under a regulatory non-taxing statute?

I don't understand this.

When prohibition - or regulation amounting to prohibition - is the aim, the legislation is that of mandated morality, not the punishment of a "crime" - a malum in se act.
Legislated morality is invalid law...
As is the Controlled Substances act, under the ruling in Nigro.
 
^ Two things Kalash.

First, that case is addressing the powers of Congress under the commerce clause and the taxation clause, not whether there exists some fundamental property right, and the case itself is no longer good law, and has not been good law for about 70 years. Do you note what the follows the highlighted portion in your quote? "just as the Child Labor Act of Congress was held to be [invalid]." The decisions of the courts have long since changed on the issue of the use of the interstate commerce clause.

You should read the medical marijuana case, Gonzales v. Raich, and note how quickly the Court tossed aside any notion that the CSA was not within the reach of Congress; I don't believe the respondents in that case even contested it.



Second, just to emphasize, note that the Court is not saying that government may not prohibit ownership of a substance; it is saying that Congress cannot reach into an area reserved for the police powers of state government. Such reasoning has long since been tossed aside, but it's worth pointing out anyway, because it means that even this case does not support the property right you're looking for.
 
Raich didn't contend it - and the court stated plainly that they would not review, nor rule upon it.

The ruled upon a limited scope - is private production for one's private use interstate commerce?
The answer they came to was, "Yes." because there is a deficit in demand in the interstate black market when someone produces drugs for their personal use.
That's all Raich said. An over broad reading of Raich is not warranted in this case, particularly when the ruling itself precludes any judgment upon the Constitutionality of the CSA itself.
Absolutely, it is within Congress's power to regulate commerce, and the CSA is such an enactment.
In no way does this imply that Congress can bypass the protections of the Amendments in carrying out their Regulation of Interstate Commerce.

I fail to see the difference between the Interstate Commerce Clause and the Taxation clause.
Prohibiting liberty (right to choose based upon one's own risk:benefit analysis) in order to regulate commerce is beyond Congress's ability. (Making it ILLEGAL to determine the benefit of something's use for one's self. The unconstitutional part was in DEPRIVATION, not limitations within reason.)

We're still missing a crucial point somewhere...
Denial of the use of one's property is a deprivation of that property, which must be accomplished through due process of law... and must be "for public use" and if not through due process, must be granted just compensation.

The right to property is protected by the Constitution in the 5th Amendment. It is not absolute - as you claim I insist it must be...
It is subject to regulation, but that regulation MUST NOT amount to a taking - or deprivation of the property being regulated.

I want to know a few simple things - how can Congress enact any law which, through its enactment and enforcement, requires breaking other federal law (Title 18 Section 1951).
As there is no law against OWNERSHIP of any drug, Congress cannot prohibit engagement in the rights of ownership (possession, manufacture, use, distribution) - they may only regulate those rights to ensure the safety of the public, but that regulation cannot significantly impair the ownership rights inherent in the people themselves.

The most important question is where Government gets its powers.
The answer to that question alone will answer the rest; does Government derive its powers from Constitutional grants of power established by the people, granting those powers through privileged grant originating in their rights?

If Government is going to deprive 3rd parties of their property, they must have a source of authority to do so - which exists in the rights of the people from which that power may be originated.
No power exists in the people, government cannot lay claim to any such power.

That is, if we still have Ordered Liberty - and live under the Rule of Law, rather than Rule of the Rule-makers.


Niger is still good law - it's just no longer held to be valid because the courts have proved destructive to their purpose; to protect against encroachment diminishing the rights of the people.
"The court is to protect against any encroachment of Constitutionally secured liberties." Boyd v. United States, U.S. Supreme Court,[116 U.S. 616,(1886).]
In this manner, the courts are criminally complicit in violation of Federal statutes - title 18 Chapter 13 sections 241 and 242.
Property IS a constitutionally secured liberty. Claiming that property ownership affords one no rights, if Government disproves of that ownership or the exercise of any right with regards to that property is a violation of the 5th Amendment.
Judicial activism, and reliance upon ruling after ruling does not permit the courts to undermine the original meaning of the Constitution.
The Constitution was written - as solid law with provisions for alterations - for a reason.
Time and distance from The Supreme Law of the Land, through reliance upon Judicial rulings rather than the Constitution itself, are not a legitimate form of Constitutional alteration, nor can they be used to justify the abrogation of the protected rights of the people.
 
Kalash,

1) Is it a "taking" if the state prohibits possession of a substance or property before you come into possession of it?

Answer: No. It's not a taking.

2) Raich actually found that even the right to possess marijuana for medical purposes is not a fundamental right protected by the Constitution. So you can imagine how much less sympathetic a court will be when you claim that there is a right to possess and sell MDMA for commercial purposes.
 
Kalash,

1) Is it a "taking" if the state prohibits possession of a substance or property before you come into possession of it?

Answer: No. It's not a taking.

It is a "taking" if one is deprived of their property in whole. Prohibition on possession AND distribution AND use is a taking - and as a legislative act, it is unconstitutional and can be ignored with impunity. Time does not mend the unconstitutionality of the enactment.
There is no "prohibition" prior to coming into possession as the law, itself, is invalid for amounting to a "taking" of property to begin with. A law, once ruled Unconstitutional (and in my mind, there's no question. Comparison with caselaw is one thing. Comparison to the Constitution is quite another, and there is no manner in which the CSA can be held up to the Constitution) is invalid ab initio - from the beginning.
It cannot make drugs NOW illegal because they were not "taken" - the law was invalid from the date of its enactment - void. Anything criminalized under that law is not truly criminalized, and seizing it remains a "taking."

The relevant question is, "Can congress enact a law which amounts to a 'taking' without compensating the owners for the property they own and possess?"
Can Congress enact a law which is in violation of Federal Statute - by creating threats of violence and use of actual violence to prevent a commodity from moving in commerce through both extortion and robbery? (Title 18 Chapter 95 Section 1983)
If so - then the Constitution is meaningless, rights are not inherent in the people, and the U.S. Government is a complete sham, without any source of authority other than its own word (much like our money supply), and we are an oppressed people without any freedoms, liberties, nor rights.

2) Raich actually found that even the right to possess marijuana for medical purposes is not a fundamental right protected by the Constitution. So you can imagine how much less sympathetic a court will be when you claim that there is a right to possess and sell MDMA for commercial purposes.
There is no right to possess anything which originates from a license, as a license is a grant of permission.
There is no RIGHT to medical marijuana (it does not HAVE TO BE PROVIDED TO YOU), and there is no RIGHT to possess and distribute MDMA which is inherent in the people.
I agree 100%
Rights of possession, distribution, and use are inherent in ownership - and unless ownership is taken through due process or just compensation, rights of ownership cannot be taken by Government without consent of the owner.

Raich's findings are not relevant in this matter - all the court determined with force of law is that the Supremacy Clause of the Constitution is to be upheld when there is a conflict between the laws of the states and the laws of the nation... If the state issues a "privilege" to a person in violation of Federal law, that privilege is void from the time it is granted, as the state cannot supersede Federal Law.
That's it.
Held: Congress’ Commerce Clause authority includes the power to prohibit the local cultivation and use of marijuana in compliance with California law.

But that was the only issue raised.
The rest of the bantering and additional wordiness of the ruling is not a replacement for the Constitution, nor does it address the issues being raised in a manner consistent with due process.
They are tangents, sidetracks to the issue, and hold no force of law. The Constitution cannot be re-written by the Judiciary, and while they can discuss possible outcomes for hypothetical situations, the fact was they were determining if there was an ability - right or privilege - created under state law that could exist in violation of Federal Law.

But going back to Raich -
For the purposes of consolidating various drug laws into a comprehensive statute, providing meaningful regulation over legitimate sources of drugs to prevent diversion into illegal channels,
The CSA does not provide meaningful regulation over sources of drugs, nor does Congress have authority to determine what a legitimate source of drugs is. This is "regulation" of nature itself (particularly in regards to marijuana) is beyond Congressional authority.
Congress cannot determine that by nature of its source, an item is legitimate or otherwise unless there is a conflict with patent rights.
There can be no "diversion into illegal channels" as a rational for the creation of a law by which those "illegal channels" are created.

The CSA was created at a time when the only "illicit" channels of drugs were those done without proper documentation - in what was determined to be an avoidance of taxing statutes, while prohibition or discouraging use of drugs was held to be outside Government's authority.
I remain firm in Nigro holding that regulation amounting to prohibition is beyond Congressional authority, whether subsequent court decisions have changed this or not, as the Constitution remains firm in what it says - its meaning does not change.

Legislating morality, without criminal consequences of the immoral acts, remains outside Congress's ability. "Illegitimate" - no medical - use of drugs was determined to exist, and Congress, fighting against the chains of the Constitution, created a taxing act with the intention of reducing use of drugs that they did not see as "legitimate." The ruling in Nigro addressed this fact, and while it may have determined that the power to prohibit remained vested in the states, it was explicit in its statement that Congress could not prohibit through its delegated powers.
Legitimacy of use of property is not within Congress's power to determine - so long as that use does not create an issue with regards the rights of others - or the health and safety of the public, which necessarily would require an infringement upon a person's rights creating standing - as the public has no rights greater than those of its constituents.

The international issues at hand are relevant only because of Drug Treaties signed with foreign nations - and such treaties are invalid, as they undermine the liberty of the people, and no elected official has this authority vested in themselves as no person in America has the right to waive any rights of his neighbor.
http://www.jpands.org/hacienda/article4.html - such a treaty cannot be "the Law of the Land" as it is not enacted under the power of the United States, but in abrogation of the Law of the Land in an attempt to engage in powers outside those of the office of president or senator.

While Judicial review of practices of the legislature - and the executive - may create a source of "alternative authorities" for the actions the judiciary permits - these alternate sources of authority cannot and do not supersede the Constitution itself, as the Judiciary is a product of the Constitution - and is sworn to its protection above all else.

Even if the Judiciary does determine that Property is not a RIGHT protected in the Constitution, the language of the Constitution itself supersedes this position in the 1st - 5th amendments, the 9th, 10th, 14th, and others.
The "power to prohibit" was taken by Constitutional Amendment (the 18th) and subsequently returned to the States (21st).
That power cannot be exercised by Congress without an additional amendment changing The Law so that congress may prohibit without violating The Law. Or, our written Constitution is not the Supreme Law of the Land, but a mere piece of scrap paper, discarded without care by those that claim - when it suits them - that their authorities and powers flow from its pages.

While Legislative acts may amount to substantial due process, the 14th Amendment makes it clear that procedural due process must be granted to anyone prior to the loss of their property interests.
If one owns the materials necessary to create anything prohibited by Congressional mandate, they have lost their property interests without procedural due process.

If one has a vested interest in their ability to obtain, for a use they deem to be legitimate (particularly medically legitimate in the case of MDMA), and they attempt to stay the hand of Government and retain the RIGHT to possess and use that thing for a perceived benefit after knowing and weighing the risks, Government is taking a property interest (in money to be used for the purchase of that which Government claims to prohibit) from them without procedural due process.

I was nearly 4 when MDMA was prohibited. While you claim that I had no interest in the property at the time of its criminalization, I did have property interest in savings (held in my parents' accounts) which I still possess.
It is reasonable - at least it's no more unreasonable than the Government's position in "reducing transfer to illicit channels" when no illicit channels exist to which the drugs may be diverted - to claim that I had a property interest that I wish to exchange for MDMA that I have retained since before MDMA became illegal.

While this wouldn't amount to a "taking" as I would not be deprived of the actual money I hold in my possession, it's surely no more of a stretch than the processes involved validating the creation of the CSA through determining the CSA is the answer for the problems it creates.
 
You could write a book with the amount of legal discussion in this thread :D.
 
Thats's a good idea. If you're going to be spending time in prison, you should write a book that makes a case for repealing drug prohibition and replaces it with a more reasonable set of regulations that would "protect the children" and form a basis for responsible drug use by adults.

You could write a book with the amount of legal discussion in this thread :D.
 
There is no "prohibition" prior to coming into possession as the law, itself, is invalid for amounting to a "taking" of property to begin with. A law, once ruled Unconstitutional (and in my mind, there's no question. Comparison with caselaw is one thing. Comparison to the Constitution is quite another, and there is no manner in which the CSA can be held up to the Constitution) is invalid ab initio - from the beginning.

The meaning of the Constitution is explained and applied by cases. Vague terms such as "due process" and so forth receive clarification. Caselaw is, like it or not, law.

If you can find a prohibition in the Constitution, or recognition of some fundamental property right, that would render the CSA unconstitutional, then name it.

Raich's findings are not relevant in this matter - all the court determined with force of law is that the Supremacy Clause of the Constitution is to be upheld when there is a conflict between the laws of the states and the laws of the nation... If the state issues a "privilege" to a person in violation of Federal law, that privilege is void from the time it is granted, as the state cannot supersede Federal Law.
That's it.

That's not all Raich upheld. Raich upheld the constitutionality of the CSA even as applied to medical marijuana. Specifically, the Court said:

Unlike those at issue in Lopez and Morrison, the activities regulated by the CSA are quintessentially economic. “Economics” refers to “the production, distribution, and consumption of commodities.” Webster’s Third New International Dictionary 720 (1966). The CSA is a statute that regulates the production, distribution, and consumption of commodities for which there is an established, and lucrative, interstate market. Prohibiting the intrastate possession or manufacture of an article of commerce is a rational (and commonly utilized) means of regulating commerce in that product.36 Such prohibitions include specific decisions requiring that a drug be withdrawn from the market as a result of the failure to comply with regulatory requirements as well as decisions excluding Schedule I drugs entirely from the market. Because the CSA is a statute that directly regulates economic, commercial activity, our opinion in Morrison casts no doubt on its constitutionality.

I've quoted earlier cases stating the criteria under which the Court determines the constitutionality of regulations of property under the Commerce Clause. Those cases remain good law today. Those cases foreclose any argument that the property right you claim to exist, does in fact exist. The courts have long held, with the aberration of the Lochner era, that it does not. Without a recognition of that right, your argument that the CSA is unconstitutional does not stand.

Moreover, note that when Raich attempted to argue before the 9th Circuit that the CSA was a violation of substantive due process, in that it denied her the right to preserve her health and life by the use of medical marijuana, she was denied.
 
The law is the law and you're not the first person to disagree, and the way things are going you won't be the last, this thread is getting old, sorry
 
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