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ANTHROPOLOGY | +40 articles

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A female hunter who may have killed big-game animals in the Andes 9,000 years ago.

Native Americans used psychedelic plants and painted rock art, study finds

by Katie Hunt | CNN | 23 Nov 2020

The first clear evidence that Native Americans consumed psychedelic plants at rock art sites has been found in the Pinwheel Cave in Southern California, according to new research.

The cave is home to a striking image of a pinwheel thought to represent the distinctive shape of the sacred datura flower, or Datura wrightii. This perennial plant species, native to California, is known to have psychoactive properties. Quids -- small packages of leaves and fibrous material from the plant -- that were typically chewed were found stuck in crevices in the cave ceiling.

Chemical analysis of some of the quids showed that they contained psychedelic alkaloids, and most were confirmed to belong to the datura plant. Three-dimensional analysis of the quids showed that they had been mashed and chewed, and that they dated back to between 1530 and 1890.

"While it has long been thought that rock and cave art was made during trance states induced by psychedelics, unambiguous evidence of the consumption of psychedelics has not been reported from any rock art site in the world," the study said.

However, the findings called into question some long-held assumptions about rock art in the region, said David Robinson, lead author of the study that published Monday in the journal PNAS.

Some scholars believe that rock art was predominantly produced in caves visited and "owned" by individual shamans. The paintings, these researchers suggested, represented the visions that came to them during the drug-induced trances.

"The idea (is) that a male shaman goes off to a hidden space and takes his sychedelic at his vision quest site and he reproduces his visions on the rock," explained Robinson, a lecturer in archaeology at the School of Forensic and Applied Sciences at the University of Central Lancashire in the United Kingdom.

Robinson however, said that his new study, along with other recent research, suggests that while there are a few sites that might have been used for "vision quests," the majority of rock art sites were places where people lived. The paintings, he said, were about communicating "the core belief systems" of the community that lived there.

The pinwheel also wasn't the result of one artist's vision; it was painted over and retouched several times, the study found. In fact, much of the art in the region shared common symbols or designs about things things that were important to the local culture.

"It's a form of visual communication within indigenous society that is for everyone's benefit. That's the main thing this research is showing. It's not about an individual's cognitive experience."

When the sacred datura (Datura wrightii) blooms, it has a distinctive pinwheel shape. This one is from the Valley of Fire in Nevada.

When the sacred datura (Datura wrightii) blooms, it has a distinctive pinwheel shape.

"If it were shamans, you'd expect a lot more variety and a lot less common compositional elements across the whole region,"
explained Robinson.

"The idea of the male shaman painting rock art," he said, "has seeped into contemporary native Californian discourse."

"Female members of Native American tribes are hearing this from anthropologists but there's no reason women couldn't have been involved in rock art. So this sort of narrative has some negative impacts."


So why might the people who lived in this cave have taken the psychedelic plant? The study didn't give any hard answers.

But datura has been associated with adolescent group initiations in Native Californian culture, the study said, though most evidence points to the plant being brewed as a drink rather than chewed as the evidence in this particular cave revealed.

*From the article here:
 
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Eleusinian Mysteries and Psychedelic Enlightenment

by Mustapha Itani | MEDIUM

Mystery religions were religious schools of the Greco-Roman world for which participation was reserved to initiates. Such religions were characterized by a secrecy associated with the specifics of the initiation process and the ritual practice, which usually were not revealed to non-initiates.

The most famous of ancient Greece’s secret religious rites were the Eleusinian Mysteries, observed regularly between c. 1600 BCE — 392 CE. This school welcomed accepting slaves, women and men, regardless of financial status or background, reportedly as long as they spoke Greek and never committed murder. Among the participants were influential figures such as Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Sophocles, Plutarch, Hadrian, Julian and Cicero.

According to the myth told in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, earth goddess Demeter’s daughter Persephone was assigned the task of painting the flowers of the earth. Before completing the task, she was abducted by Hades, god of the underworld, who took her to his underworld kingdom. After searching for Persephone with no avail, and in an effort to coerce Zeus to allow her daughter to return, Demeter caused a widespread drought in which the people suffered and starved, which eventually deprived the gods of sacrifice and worship. As a result, Zeus allowed Persephone to return.

Before Persephone was released, Hades tricked her into eating a number of pomegranate seeds. According to a rule of the Fates, whoever consumed food or drink in the Underworld was doomed to spend eternity there. which forced her to return to the underworld for several months each year.

This led to Demeter feeling despair due to her daughter’s absence, totally neglecting the cultivation of the earth. Upon Persephone’s return, Demeter became joyful and started caring for the earth once again, which explains the changes brought in by different seasons.

The cult of Demeter and Persephone witnessed a number of celebrations consisting of Lesser Mysteries and Greater Mysteries. The most important ritual involved a ten-day journey walking the Sacred Way from Athens to Eleusis, calling for Persephone and re-enacting Demeter’s search for her lost daughter.

At Eleusis, the participants would rest by the well Demeter had sat down by, fast and then break their fast drinking an ancient Greek barley and pennyroyal beverage called Kykeon. The nature and effects of this mysterious drink, as it is sometimes thought of as having psychedelic properties, have brought forth several interesting theories that might shed light on the importance and role of psychedrlic substances in the initiate’s transformation and transcendence.

One theory proposes that ergot, a fungi that grows on barley and emits ergometrine and d-lysergic acid amide was found in the kykeon. D-lysergic acid amide is a chemical precursor to lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) that exhibits similar psychoactive effects, which could explain the heightened experience later felt by the initiate, with visions pertaining to the possibility of eternal life and an understanding of the true state of death.

After drinking the kykeon, the initiates entered an underground theater called Telesterion. The rituals performed in the Telesterion, or Hall of Initiation, were and remain a secret, but it is widely believed that it comprised three elements, dromena (things done), deiknumena (things shown) and legomena (things said). Combined these elements were known as the aporrheta, meaning unrepeatables.

Other psychoactive substances have been proposed as the mystery element of kykeon, including psychoactive mushrooms. Well-known ethnobotanist, psychonaut and author Terence McKenna speculated that the mysteries were centered around a variety of psilocybe. Other psychoactive mushrooms, such as amanita muscaria, have also been suggested. Another recent hypothesis suggests that ancient Egyptians cultivated psilocybe cubensis on barley and associated it with Osiris.

Other substances include DMT, which occurs in many wild plants of the Mediterranean including Phalaris and Acacia.

After completing the rites, initiates were reported to have been changed drastically. It can be said that the Mysteries had a heavy impact on many important figures, especially thinkers and seekers of truth.

Perhaps the most known of these influential figures was Plato, who mentioned the mysteries in his well-known work Phaedo, saying: “The founders of the mysteries would appear to have had a real meaning, and were not talking nonsense when they intimated in a figure long ago that he who passes unsanctified and uninitiated into the world below will lie in a slough, but that he who arrives there after initiation and purification will dwell with the gods.”

Plato ends The Republic with the Myth of Er, to discuss points about the immortality of the soul, free will and determinism, individual responsibility, and the role of virtue in obtaining a happy life.

Er the son of Armenius, had been slain in battle, and when the bodies were collected some ten days later, his body was found to be “unaffected by decay.” Two days later he revives on his funeral-pyre and tells others of his journey in the afterlife. This account can be read as an allegory describing what was witnessed and learned during the mysteries.

The Eleusinian Mysteries are still shrouded in mystery to this day, with no definitive knowledge to what exactly happened during the rites, and what did they involve. Studying the mysteries through an entheogenic lens might help lead to a new understanding that might drastically change our view of an integral part of ancient history.

 
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'Sistine Chapel of the ancients' rock art discovered in remote Amazon forest

by Dalya Alberge | The Guardian | 29 Nov 2020

One of the world’s largest collections of prehistoric rock art has been discovered in the Amazonian rainforest. Tens of thousands of ice age paintings across a cliff face shed light on people and animals from 12,500 years ago.

Hailed as “the Sistine Chapel of the ancients,” archaeologists have found tens of thousands of paintings of animals and humans created up to 12,500 years ago across cliff faces that stretch across nearly eight miles in Colombia.

Their date is based partly on their depictions of now-extinct ice age animals, such as the mastodon, a prehistoric relative of the elephant that hasn’t roamed South America for at least 12,000 years. There are also images of the palaeolama, an extinct camelid, as well as giant sloths and ice age horses.

These animals were all seen and painted by some of the very first humans ever to reach the Amazon. Their pictures give a glimpse into a lost, ancient civilisation. Such is the sheer scale of paintings that they will take generations to study.

The discovery was made last year, but has been kept secret until now as it was filmed for a major Channel 4 series to be screened in December: Jungle Mystery: Lost Kingdoms of the Amazon.

The site is in the Serranía de la Lindosa where, along with the Chiribiquete national park, other rock art had been found. The documentary’s presenter, Ella Al-Shamahi, an archaeologist and explorer, told the Observer: “The new site is so new, they haven’t even given it a name yet.”

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There are numerous hand prints among the images on the cliff face.

She spoke of the excitement of seeing “breathtaking” images that were created thousands of years ago.

The discovery was made by a British-Colombian team, funded by the European Research Council. Its leader is José Iriarte, professor of archaeology at Exeter University and a leading expert on the Amazon and pre-Columbian history.

He said: “When you’re there, your emotions flow … We’re talking about several tens of thousands of paintings. It’s going to take generations to record them … Every turn you do, it’s a new wall of paintings."

“We started seeing animals that are now extinct. The pictures are so natural and so well made that we have few doubts that you’re looking at a horse, for example. The ice-age horse had a wild, heavy face. It’s so detailed, we can even see the horse hair. It’s fascinating.”


The images include fish, turtles, lizards and birds, as well as people dancing and holding hands, among other scenes. One figure wears a mask resembling a bird with a beak.

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Palaeo-anthropologist Ella Al-Shamahi, the presenter of the Channel 4 series.

The site is so remote that, after a two-hour drive from San José del Guaviare, a team of archaeologists and film-makers trekked on foot for around four hours.

They somehow avoided the region’s most dangerous inhabitants. “Caimans are everywhere, and we did keep our wits about us with snakes,” Al-Shamahi said, recalling an enormous bushmaster – the deadliest snake in the Americas with an 80% mortality rate – that blocked their jungle path. They had been delayed getting back, and it was already pitch black.

They had no choice but to walk past it, knowing that, if they were attacked, there was little chance of getting to a hospital. “You’re in the middle of nowhere,” she said. "But it was “100%” worth it to see the paintings," she added.

As the documentary notes, Colombia is a land torn apart after 50 years of civil war that raged between Farc guerrillas and the Colombian government, now with an uneasy truce in place. The territory where the paintings have been discovered was completely off limits until recently and still involves careful negotiation to enter safely.

Al-Shamahi said: “When we entered Farc territory, it was exactly as a few of us have been screaming about for a long time. Exploration is not over. Scientific discovery is not over but the big discoveries now are going to be found in places that are disputed or hostile.”

The paintings vary in size. There are numerous handprints and many of the images are on that scale, be they geometric shapes, animals or humans. Others are much larger.


Many of the painting are so high they can only be reached by drones.

Al-Shamahi was struck by how high up many of them are: “I’m 5ft 10in and I would be breaking my neck looking up. How were they scaling those walls?”

Some of the paintings are so high they can only be viewed with drones.

Iriarte believes that the answer lies in depictions of wooden towers among the paintings, including figures appearing to bungee jump from them.

He added: “These paintings have a reddish terracotta colour. We also found pieces of ochre that they scraped to make them.”

Speculating on whether the paintings had a sacred or other purpose, he said: “It’s interesting to see that many of these large animals appear surrounded by small men with their arms raised, almost worshipping these animals.”

Observing that the imagery includes trees and psychedelic plants, he added: “For Amazonian people, non-humans like animals and plants have souls, and they communicate and engage with people in cooperative or hostile ways through the rituals and shamanic practices that we see depicted in the rock art.”

Al-Shamahi added: “One of the most fascinating things was seeing ice age megafauna because that’s a marker of time. I don’t think people realise that the Amazon has shifted in the way it looks. It hasn’t always been this rainforest. When you look at a horse or mastodon in these paintings, of course they weren’t going to live in a forest. They’re too big. Not only are they giving clues about when they were painted by some of the earliest people – that in itself is just mind-boggling – but they are also giving clues about what this very spot might have looked like: more savannah-like.”

Iriarte suspects that there are many more paintings to be found: “We’re just scratching the surface.” The team will be back as soon as Covid-19 allows.

Jungle Mystery: Lost Kingdoms of the Amazon starts at 6.30pm on UK's Channel 4 on 5 December. The rock art discovery is in episode 2, on 12 December.

 
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The Dawn Races of Early Man

ABOUT one million years ago the immediate ancestors of mankind made their appearance by three successive and sudden mutations stemming from early stock of the lemur type of placental mammal. The dominant factors of these early lemurs were derived from the western or later American group of the evolving life plasm. But before establishing the direct line of human ancestry, this strain was reinforced by contributions from the central life implantation evolved in Africa. The eastern life group contributed little or nothing to the actual production of the human species.

1. The Early Lemur Types

The early lemurs concerned in the ancestry of the human species were not directly related to the pre-existent tribes of gibbons and apes then living in Eurasia and northern Africa, whose progeny have survived to the present time. Neither were they the offspring of the modern type of lemur, though springing from an ancestor common to both but long since extinct.

While these early lemurs evolved in the Western Hemisphere, the establishment of the direct mammalian ancestry of mankind took place in southwestern Asia, in the original area of the central life implantation but on the borders of the eastern regions. Several million years ago the North American type lemurs had migrated westward over the Bering land bridge and had slowly made their way southwestward along the Asiatic coast. These migrating tribes finally reached the salubrious region lying between the then expanded Mediterranean Sea and the elevating mountainous regions of the Indian peninsula. In these lands to the west of India they united with other and favorable strains, thus establishing the ancestry of the human race.

With the passing of time the seacoast of India southwest of the mountains gradually submerged, completely isolating the life of this region. There was no avenue of approach to, or escape from, this Mesopotamian or Persian peninsula except to the north, and that was repeatedly cut off by the southern invasions of the glaciers. And it was in this then almost paradisiacal area, and from the superior descendants of this lemur type of mammal, that there sprang two great groups, the simian tribes of modern times and the present-day human species.

2. The Dawn Mammals

A little more than one million years ago the Mesopotamian dawn mammals, the direct descendants of the North American lemur type of placental mammal, suddenly appeared. They were active little creatures, almost three feet tall; and while they did not habitually walk on their hind legs, they could easily stand erect. They were hairy and agile and chattered in monkeylike fashion, but unlike the simian tribes, they were flesh eaters. They had a primitive opposable thumb as well as a highly useful grasping big toe. From this point onward the prehuman species successively developed the opposable thumb while they progressively lost the grasping power of the great toe. The later ape tribes retained the grasping big toe but never developed the human type of thumb.

These dawn mammals attained full growth when three or four years of age, having a potential life span, on the average, of about twenty years. As a rule offspring were born singly, although twins were occasional.

The members of this new species had the largest brains for their size of any animal that had theretofore existed on earth. They experienced many of the emotions and shared numerous instincts which later characterized primitive man, being highly curious and exhibiting considerable elation when successful at any undertaking. Food hunger and sex craving were well developed, and a definite sex selection was manifested in a crude form of courtship and choice of mates. They would fight fiercely in defense of their kindred and were quite tender in family associations, possessing a sense of self-abasement bordering on shame and remorse. They were very affectionate and touchingly loyal to their mates, but if circumstances separated them, they would choose new partners.

Being small of stature and having keen minds to realize the dangers of their forest habitat, they developed an extraordinary fear which led to those wise precautionary measures that so enormously contributed to survival, such as their construction of crude shelters in the high treetops which eliminated many of the perils of ground life. The beginning of the fear tendencies of mankind more specifically dates from these days.

These dawn mammals developed more of a tribal spirit than had ever been previously exhibited. They were, indeed, highly gregarious but nevertheless exceedingly pugnacious when in any way disturbed in the ordinary pursuit of their routine life, and they displayed fiery tempers when their anger was fully aroused. Their bellicose natures, however, served a good purpose; superior groups did not hesitate to make war on their inferior neighbors, and thus, by selective survival, the species was progressively improved. They very soon dominated the life of the smaller creatures of this region, and very few of the older noncarnivorous monkeylike tribes survived.

These aggressive little animals multiplied and spread over the Mesopotamian peninsula for more than one thousand years, constantly improving in physical type and general intelligence. And it was just seventy generations after this new tribe had taken origin from the highest type of lemur ancestor that the next epoch-making development occurred—the sudden differentiation of the ancestors of the next vital step in the evolution of human beings on Urantia.

3. The Mid-Mammals

Early in the career of the dawn mammals, in the treetop abode of a superior pair of these agile creatures, twins were born, one male and one female. Compared with their ancestors, they were really handsome little creatures. They had little hair on their bodies, but this was no disability as they lived in a warm and equable climate.

These children grew to be a little over four feet in height. They were in every way larger than their parents, having longer legs and shorter arms. They had almost perfectly opposable thumbs, just about as well adapted for diversified work as the present human thumb. They walked upright, having feet almost as well suited for walking as those of the later human races.

Their brains were inferior to, and smaller than, those of human beings but very superior to, and comparatively much larger than, those of their ancestors. The twins early displayed superior intelligence and were soon recognized as the heads of the whole tribe of dawn mammals, really instituting a primitive form of social organization and a crude economic division of labor. This brother and sister mated and soon enjoyed the society of twenty-one children much like themselves, all more than four feet tall and in every way superior to the ancestral species. This new group formed the nucleus of the mid-mammals.

When the numbers of this new and superior group grew great, war, relentless war, broke out; and when the terrible struggle was over, not a single individual of the pre-existent and ancestral race of dawn mammals remained alive. The less numerous but more powerful and intelligent offshoot of the species had survived at the expense of their ancestors.

And now, for almost fifteen thousand years (six hundred generations), this creature became the terror of this part of the world. All of the great and vicious animals of former times had perished. The large beasts native to these regions were not carnivorous, and the larger species of the cat family, lions and tigers, had not yet invaded this peculiarly sheltered nook of the earth’s surface. Therefore did these mid-mammals wax valiant and subdue the whole of their corner of creation.

Compared with the ancestral species, the mid-mammals were an improvement in every way. Even their potential life span was longer, being about twenty-five years. A number of rudimentary human traits appeared in this new species. In addition to the innate propensities exhibited by their ancestors, these mid-mammals were capable of showing disgust in certain repulsive situations. They further possessed a well-defined hoarding instinct; they would hide food for subsequent use and were greatly given to the collection of smooth round pebbles and certain types of round stones suitable for defensive and offensive ammunition.

These mid-mammals were the first to exhibit a definite construction propensity, as shown in their rivalry in the building of both treetop homes and their many-tunneled subterranean retreats; they were the first species of mammals ever to provide for safety in both arboreal and underground shelters. They largely forsook the trees as places of abode, living on the ground during the day and sleeping in the treetops at night.

As time passed, the natural increase in numbers eventually resulted in serious food competition and sex rivalry, all of which culminated in a series of internecine battles that nearly destroyed the entire species. These struggles continued until only one group of less than one hundred individuals was left alive. But peace once more prevailed, and this lone surviving tribe built anew its treetop bedrooms and once again resumed a normal and semipeaceful existence.

You can hardly realize by what narrow margins your prehuman ancestors missed extinction from time to time. Had the ancestral frog of all humanity jumped two inches less on a certain occasion, the whole course of evolution would have been markedly changed. The immediate lemurlike mother of the dawn-mammal species escaped death no less than five times by mere hairbreadth margins before she gave birth to the father of the new and higher mammalian order. But the closest call of all was when lightning struck the tree in which the prospective mother of the Primates twins was sleeping. Both of these mid-mammal parents were severely shocked and badly burned; three of their seven children were killed by this bolt from the skies. These evolving animals were almost superstitious. This couple whose treetop home had been struck were really the leaders of the more progressive group of the mid-mammal species; and following their example, more than half the tribe, embracing the more intelligent families, moved about two miles away from this locality and began the construction of new treetop abodes and new ground shelters—their transient retreats in time of sudden danger.

Soon after the completion of their home, this couple, veterans of so many struggles, found themselves the proud parents of twins, the most interesting and important animals ever to have been born into the world up to that time, for they were the first of the new species of Primates constituting the next vital step in prehuman evolution.

Contemporaneously with the birth of these Primates twins, another couple—a peculiarly retarded male and female of the mid-mammal tribe, a couple that were both mentally and physically inferior—also gave birth to twins. These twins, one male and one female, were indifferent to conquest; they were concerned only with obtaining food and, since they would not eat flesh, soon lost all interest in seeking prey. These retarded twins became the founders of the modern simian tribes. Their descendants sought the warmer southern regions with their mild climates and an abundance of tropical fruits, where they have continued much as of that day except for those branches which mated with the earlier types of gibbons and apes and have greatly deteriorated in consequence.

And so it may be readily seen that man and the ape are related only in that they sprang from the mid-mammals, a tribe in which there occurred the contemporaneous birth and subsequent segregation of two pairs of twins: the inferior pair destined to produce the modern types of monkey, baboon, chimpanzee, and gorilla; the superior pair destined to continue the line of ascent which evolved into man himself.

Modern man and the simians did spring from the same tribe and species but not from the same parents. Man’s ancestors are descended from the superior strains of the selected remnant of this mid-mammal tribe, whereas the modern simians (excepting certain pre-existent types of lemurs, gibbons, apes, and other monkeylike creatures) are the descendants of the most inferior couple of this mid-mammal group, a couple who only survived by hiding themselves in a subterranean food-storage retreat for more than two weeks during the last fierce battle of their tribe, emerging only after the hostilities were well over.

4. The Primates

Going back to the birth of the superior twins, one male and one female, to the two leading members of the mid-mammal tribe: These animal babies were of an unusual order; they had still less hair on their bodies than their parents and, when very young, insisted on walking upright. Their ancestors had always learned to walk on their hind legs, but these Primates twins stood erect from the beginning. They attained a height of over five feet, and their heads grew larger in comparison with others among the tribe. While early learning to communicate with each other by means of signs and sounds, they were never able to make their people understand these new symbols.

When about fourteen years of age, they fled from the tribe, going west to raise their family and establish the new species of Primates. And these new creatures are very properly denominated Primates since they were the direct and immediate animal ancestors of the human family itself.

Thus it was that the Primates came to occupy a region on the west coast of the Mesopotamian peninsula as it then projected into the southern sea, while the less intelligent and closely related tribes lived around the peninsula point and up the eastern shore line.

The Primates were more human and less animal than their mid-mammal predecessors. The skeletal proportions of this new species were very similar to those of the primitive human races. The human type of hand and foot had fully developed, and these creatures could walk and even run as well as any of their later-day human descendants. They largely abandoned tree life, though continuing to resort to the treetops as a safety measure at night, for like their earlier ancestors, they were greatly subject to fear. The increased use of their hands did much to develop inherent brain power, but they did not yet possess minds that could really be called human.

Although in emotional nature the Primates differed little from their forebears, they exhibited more of a human trend in all of their propensities. They were, indeed, splendid and superior animals, reaching maturity at about ten years of age and having a natural life span of about forty years. That is, they might have lived that long had they died natural deaths, but in those early days very few animals ever died a natural death; the struggle for existence was altogether too intense.

And now, after almost nine hundred generations of development, covering about twenty-one thousand years from the origin of the dawn mammals, the Primates suddenly gave birth to two remarkable creatures, the first true human beings.

Thus it was that the dawn mammals, springing from the North American lemur type, gave origin to the mid-mammals, and these mid-mammals in turn produced the superior Primates, who became the immediate ancestors of the primitive human race. The Primates tribes were the last vital link in the evolution of man, but in less than five thousand years not a single individual of these extraordinary tribes was left.

5. The First Human Beings

From the year A.D. 1934 back to the birth of the first two human beings is just 993,419 years.

These two remarkable creatures were true human beings. They possessed perfect human thumbs, as had many of their ancestors, while they had just as perfect feet as the present-day human races. They were walkers and runners, not climbers; the grasping function of the big toe was absent, completely absent. When danger drove them to the treetops, they climbed just like the humans of today would. They would climb up the trunk of a tree like a bear and not as would a chimpanzee or a gorilla, swinging up by the branches.

These first human beings (and their descendants) reached full maturity at twelve years of age and possessed a potential life span of about seventy-five years.

Many new emotions early appeared in these human twins. They experienced admiration for both objects and other beings and exhibited considerable vanity. But the most remarkable advance in emotional development was the sudden appearance of a new group of really human feelings, the worshipful group, embracing awe, reverence, humility, and even a primitive form of gratitude. Fear, joined with ignorance of natural phenomena, is about to give birth to primitive religion.

Not only were such human feelings manifested in these primitive humans, but many more highly evolved sentiments were also present in rudimentary form. They were mildly cognizant of pity, shame, and reproach and were acutely conscious of love, hate, and revenge, being also susceptible to marked feelings of jealousy.

These first two humans—the twins—were a great trial to their Primates parents. They were so curious and adventurous that they nearly lost their lives on numerous occasions before they were eight years old. As it was, they were rather well scarred up by the time they were twelve.

Very early they learned to engage in verbal communication; by the age of ten they had worked out an improved sign and word language of almost half a hundred ideas and had greatly improved and expanded the crude communicative technique of their ancestors. But try as hard as they might, they were able to teach only a few of their new signs and symbols to their parents.

When about nine years of age, they journeyed off down the river one bright day and held a momentous conference. Every celestial intelligence stationed on Urantia, including myself, was present as an observer of the transactions of this noontide tryst. On this eventful day they arrived at an understanding to live with and for each other, and this was the first of a series of such agreements which finally culminated in the decision to flee from their inferior animal associates and to journey northward, little knowing that they were thus to found the human race.

While we were all greatly concerned with what these two little savages were planning, we were powerless to control the working of their minds; we did not—could not—arbitrarily influence their decisions. But within the permissible limits of planetary function, we, the Life Carriers, together with our associates, all conspired to lead the human twins northward and far from their hairy and partially tree-dwelling people. And so, by reason of their own intelligent choice, the twins did migrate, and because of our supervision they migrated northward to a secluded region where they escaped the possibility of biologic degradation through admixture with their inferior relatives of the Primates tribes.

Shortly before their departure from the home forests they lost their mother in a gibbon raid. While she did not possess their intelligence, she did have a worthy mammalian affection of a high order for her offspring, and she fearlessly gave her life in the attempt to save the wonderful pair. Nor was her sacrifice in vain, for she held off the enemy until the father arrived with reinforcements and put the invaders to rout.

Soon after this young couple forsook their associates to found the human race, their Primates father became disconsolate—he was heartbroken. He refused to eat, even when food was brought to him by his other children. His brilliant offspring having been lost, life did not seem worth living among his ordinary fellows; so he wandered off into the forest, was set upon by hostile gibbons and beaten to death.

6. Evolution of the Human Mind

We, the Life Carriers on Urantia, had passed through the long vigil of watchful waiting since the day we first planted the life plasm in the planetary waters, and naturally the appearance of the first really intelligent and volitional beings brought to us great joy and supreme satisfaction.

We had been watching the twins develop mentally through our observation of the functioning of the seven adjutant mind-spirits assigned to Urantia at the time of our arrival on the planet. Throughout the long evolutionary development of planetary life, these tireless mind ministers had ever registered their increasing ability to contact with the successively expanding brain capacities of the progressively superior animal creatures.

At first only the spirit of intuition could function in the instinctive and reflex behavior of the primordial animal life. With the differentiation of higher types, the spirit of understanding was able to endow such creatures with the gift of spontaneous association of ideas. Later on we observed the spirit of courage in operation; evolving animals really developed a crude form of protective self-consciousness. Subsequent to the appearance of the mammalian groups, we beheld the spirit of knowledge manifesting itself in increased measure. And the evolution of the higher mammals brought the function of the spirit of counsel, with the resulting growth of the herd instinct and the beginnings of primitive social development.

Increasingly, on down through the dawn mammals, the mid-mammals, and the Primates, we had observed the augmented service of the first five adjutants. But never had the remaining two, the highest mind ministers, been able to function in the Urantia type of evolutionary mind.

Imagine our joy one day—the twins were about ten years old—when the spirit of worship made its first contact with the mind of the female twin and shortly thereafter with the male. We knew that something closely akin to human mind was approaching culmination; and when, about a year later, they finally resolved, as a result of meditative thought and purposeful decision, to flee from home and journey north, then did the spirit of wisdom begin to function on Urantia and in these two now recognized human minds.

There was an immediate and new order of mobilization of the seven adjutant mind-spirits. We were alive with expectation; we realized that the long-waited-for hour was approaching; we knew we were upon the threshold of the realization of our protracted effort—to evolve will creatures on Urantia.

 
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Ancient Peoples & Psychoactive Plants

University of Victoria

Like modern humans, early humans had a range of built-in desires—a desire to live in groups, a desire for fun or relief from daily struggles, and a desire to understand and prosper in the afterlife. Early humans also had similar physical traits and body systems. The human body, in ancient times and today, is designed to ensure we satisfy our basic needs—sleep, water, food, sex—so we can both stay alive and welcome new humans into the world. Our brains and bodies release chemicals that make us feel good when we rest, eat a meal and so on in order to motivate us to continue wanting to meet our basic needs. Our natural environment—the earth—seems to be designed to help humans (and other living beings) survive. After all, the world is full of plants that contain nutrients our bodies require to live healthful lives (think raw fruits and vegetables). The earth is also full of plants that contain psychoactive drugs that can help us both heal from disease or injury and enhance the release of feel-good chemicals in our bodies. That said, psychoactive drugs—if used too much or too often or in other risky ways—can also lead to health, relationship, money and other problems. Many native plants, such as the cacao tree (think chocolate bar or hot cocoa), contain both nutrients and psychoactive substances. And some plants are multi-purpose. Hemp, for example, is nutritional, medicinal and can be used to make industrial items such as cloth and rope.

Our early ancestors had complex relationships with psychoactive plants. People roamed the earth in small groups of hunters and gatherers. Typically, the women were responsible for foraging the forests and fields for plant foods—nuts, seeds, fruits, vegetables, mushrooms, and so on—and using them to prepare meals. Over time, they learned to identify which plants could be used as food, which ones were medicine, and which ones were harmful or even fatal. Some of the most helpful plants were also the most risky to use.

People like to label plants as poisonous or medicinal (or simply “dangerous,” as in the case of plants that produce a “high” feeling). But we have known for centuries that our labels often refer to the amount of the plant we use. As Swiss physician and botanist Paracelsus wrote in the 1500’s: “Poison is in everything, and no thing is without poison. The dosage makes it either a poison or a remedy.”

Early humans also learned—in a process sometimes leading to injury or death—that many plants, used in specific ways and in certain amounts, could help them reach altered states of consciousness or explore the spirit world. Many of these psychoactive plants were woven into early healing practices, cultural and religious rituals, and daily routines to bring temporary but necessary bursts of peace or joy.

Early South America

The Incas of Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador cultivated coca, a hardy, mountain plant that needed no irrigation. It also resisted both drought and disease, and could be harvested three times a year. The Incas and others chewed the coca leaves with a lime paste. The combination released psychoactive chemicals that relieved hunger, thirst and fatigue. One anthropologist who has worked among coca growers in Bolivia said coca chewing was similar in effect to drinking a strong cup of coffee.By the time the Spanish invaded in the 1500’s CE, coca was deemed sacred and was used in various rituals. When the Spanish conquers learned that coca could increase a person’s work capacity, they made their Incan slaves use it while mining gold for their captors.

The people of the Inca Empire did not have the wheel. Yet they maintained a complex network of paved roads and rest areas to transport trade goods, slaves, messages and warriors from place to place. Instead of using carts to move products and people around the empire, the Inca traveled on foot, shipping plant foods and medicines, among other prized items, on the backs of llamas and human porters.

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Mesopotamia

In ancient times, the fertile land along the Tigris and Euphrates rivers was ideal for growing a variety of fruits and grains, including barley, dates, grapes, figs and sesame seeds. And the rivers themselves served as watery “highways” for trade of these and other items between river towns and cities.

Alcohol was one of the many products both made and traded in ancient Mesopotamia. More than 5000 years ago, people who lived there were drinking date wine and barley beer. But it was not like the beer we have today. It contained cereal grains and other debris, so people used drinking straws as a kind of filter.

Among the earliest written documents ever found are Sumerian wage lists and tax receipts from 3400 BCE. The symbol for beer—a vessel with diagonal line drawn inside it—is one of the most common words (along with symbols for grain, textiles and livestock). These items were collected by priests of cities and used to pay for communal projects, such as building irrigation systems and public buildings. Wine use in the lowland areas of Mesopotamia was limited at first. Wine had to be imported from the mountainous grape-growing lands, which made it more expensive to buy than beer. Seen as an exotic foreign drink, wine was mainly used for religious reasons. Only the elite could afford to buy it. Only royalty could afford to share it. At a royal feast in 870 BCE, Assyria’s King Ashurnasirpal II is said to have sipped wine from a gold bowl and served 10,000 skins of wine and 10,000 jars of beer to his guests.

Another medicine recognized for its effectiveness was the opium plant. Early Egyptian medical texts list opium as a sedative used to alleviate pain, abscesses and scalp complaints. Opium was also used as a means of inducing altered states of consciousness (experiencing the world in a new and very different way).

Opium grows naturally in temperate and sub-tropical regions, and there is evidence to suggest it was first domesticated by west Mediterranean people as early as 6000 BCE. Some scientists claim opium is one of the most important medical plant discoveries on earth. After all, it is used to make morphine and many medications for hospitals and pharmacies. Other people, though, focus on the fact that opium is used to make heroin, a drug which many governments believe carries the highest risk of harm. Today most of the world’s opium is grown in Afghanistan, or the northeastern part of the Indus Valley of ancient times.

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Other psychoactive plants in Africa

Two species of cola tree grow naturally in the ancient forests of West Africa. Cola nuts contain caffeine and other stimulants. Cola is one of the only psychoactive substances Muslims can enjoy. (Muslims do not believe in using alcohol and other intoxicants that have the potential to negatively affect the way a person acts or makes decisions.)Ancient Africans all across the continent used a variety of other psychoactive plants too, including hemp (also known as cannabis or marijuana, the Mexican slang word for hemp). Some researchers believe the habit of smoking cannabis for its euphoric and mind-altering qualities was introduced to the western world by African tribespeople.

Many other ancient societies in Asia and Africa also used hemp for a range of reasons. Most strains of hemp contain very little THC (the short way of saying the chemical that produces euphoria and hallucinations) and were used for fibre to make nets and clothing or seed oil for cooking. But at least some ancient Asians and Africans used the hemp plants with some THC for relief from the everyday world, perhaps like the way so many people today drink alcohol to relax.Most researchers agree that the hemp plant itself originated in Scythia (today’s Kazakhstan and surrounding areas). As nomadic pastoralists, the Scythians helped bring cannabis to the places in the east and west where they had influence, such as early Greece and eastern Europe. The Scythians used their horses to transport psychoactive plants and other goods from rest station to rest station over the Pontic Steppes, the great expanse of grasslands that lay between Asia and Europe. The Scythians are believed to have been roaming the steppes as early as 3000 BCE.

Many other ancient societies in Asia and Africa also used hemp for a range of reasons. Most strains of hemp contain very little THC (the short way of saying the chemical that produces euphoria and hallucinations) and were used for fibre to make nets and clothing or seed oil for cooking. But at least some ancient Asians and Africans used the hemp plants with some THC for relief from the everyday world, perhaps like the way so many people today drink alcohol to relax.Most researchers agree that the hemp plant itself originated in Scythia (today’s Kazakhstan and surrounding areas). As nomadic pastoralists, the Scythians helped bring cannabis to the places in the east and west where they had influence, such as early Greece and eastern Europe. The Scythians used their horses to transport psychoactive plants and other goods from rest station to rest station over the Pontic Steppes, the great expanse of grasslands that lay between Asia and Europe. While the Scythians are believed to have been roaming the steppes as early as 3000 BCE, they are most often referred to in the context of trade along the Silk Road, which emerged in a meaningful way during China’s Han Dynasty (202 BCE – 220 CE). Silk Road or Hemp Web?During the Han Dynasty, people, products and ideas trickled and flowed 11,000 kilometres through a web of roads linking China, Persia and the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. This web was recently coined the Silk Road, because silk was a main export from China. But it could have just as easily been called Hemp Web. Hemp- based materials and items were key exports from China. Hemp fibre was used to makerope, cloth and shoes. In 100 BCE, the Chinese began using hemp to make paper money.

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Greece

For many people in ancient Greece, daily life involved transporting, trading, making or using alcohol. Wine was one of ancient Greece’s main exports. For this reason vineyards were prime targets during the Peloponnesian War between Athens and Sparta. In 424 BCE, Spartan troops arrived in the wine-producing city of Acanthus just before harvest time. Their threat to destroy the harvest led the Acanthians to change allegiances so the harvest would not be affected. By 5 BCE, Greek wine was exported by sea as far away as southern France to the west, Egypt to the south, the Crimean Peninsula to the east, and the Danube to the north.

Alcohol was also consumed by Greeks themselves. For example, at special gatherings called symposia, men met to drink and talk. But there were rules. Knowing that alcohol could bring out anti-social behaviours, the symposiarch (or king of the party) would monitor the participants to make sure they did not drink too much. Young men learned how to enjoy the night without losing themselves in human extremes—anger, love, pride, ignorance, greed and cowardice. In a book called Laws, Greek philosopher Plato argued that drinking with someone at a symposium was the simplest, fastest and most reliable test of someone’s character. Other philosophers focused on the way wine uncovered philosophical truths. Eratosthenes (3rd century BCE), for example, said “Wine reveals what is hidden.” The ancient Greeks typically drank wine mixed with water, served in large urn-shaped bowls called kraters. To further weaken the effects of wine and avoid getting drunk, they ate food before or while drinking. Still, some people drank heavily, and in some cases it claimed their lives. Reports of a drinking contest in 3 BCE revealed that 41 contestants died of alcohol poisoning. The winner took home prizes, including more wine, but he lived only four more days.

This passage from a play written by Eubulus in the fourth century BCE sums up the good, bad and ugly sides of ancient alcohol use: “For sensible men I prepare only three kraters: one for health, which they drink first, the second for love and pleasure, and the third for sleep. After the third one is drained, wise men go home. The fourth krater is not mine anymore. It belongs to bad behaviour; the fifth is for shouting; the sixth is for rudeness and insults; the seventh is for fights; the eighth is for breaking the furniture; the ninth is for depression; the tenth is for madness and unconsciousness.”

Reflecting on the past

For thousands of years, humans have been cultivating, trading and using a variety of plants in specific ways and in certain amounts for nutrition and medicine, for facing everyday human challenges, and for help in connecting with the spirit world. And for an equal length of time, human individuals and societies have suffered from negative consequences of psychoactive plant use.Today we cultivate, trade and use many of the same substances (often in man-made form) for many of the same reasons and sometimes at great cost to our health, relationships, and work performances.

 
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Indigenous healers fundraise to combat cultural destruction*

by Igor Domsac | LUCID News | 12 Dec 2020

As the COVID-19 pandemic spreads through the Amazon basin, indigenous communities are at risk of losing older generations who are the repositories of knowledge for traditional spiritual and medicinal practices.

The Union of Yagé Medics of the Colombian Amazon (UMIYAC), an indigenous organization that includes traditional healers from the Siona, Cofán, Inga, Coreguaje and Kamentsá peoples, took action this summer and launched a crowdfunding campaign to help preserve their culture.

The campaign supports the work of elderly ceremonial leaders in southwestern Colombia who use ayahuasca, also known as yagé in some regions. It also funds training for women from tribal communities who study the use of medicinal plants.

The UMIYAC crowdfunding campaign concluded in October after raising just more than half of its $50,000 goal. The UMIYAC continues to raise funds to help defend endangered indigenous knowledge and ecosystems. The organization has set a fundraising goal of $200,000 for 2021.

The UMIYAC noted on their crowdfunding page that "indigenous people have historically been excluded from the privatized, bankrupt, and inefficient national Colombian health system. Tribal peoples," says the UMIYAC, "must rely on our medicinal knowledge and traditions to protect our communities.”

“In the face of the current pandemic, we have closed-off access to our territories to prevent the spread of the virus,”
read the crowdfunding site. “Simultaneously, we are working to strengthen our own botanical/medicinal practices based on knowledge of the Amazon rainforest: the greatest pharmacy in the world.”

UMIYAC’s technical coordinator and environmental engineer Miguel Evanjuanoy posted a message on the group’s crowdfunding page thanking the 152 contributors who joined the UMIYAC 'on this path of struggle and love.' “We are a great community without borders and our united voices are the song of Mother Earth,” wrote Evanjuanoy.

Founded in 1999, the UMIYAC is seeking to defend and conserve Amazon territories, strengthen autonomy for tribal groups, revitalize traditional cultures, protect ancestral knowledge and support indigenous healing practices.

Dr. Riccardo Vitale, an anthropologist and advisor for the UMIYAC, notes that it is sometimes challenging for smaller organizations to raise funds for projects that reflect the ongoing needs of indigenous communities. He says it is important for donors to understand long term goals and hear directly from people who are impacted.

“UMIYAC is a grassroots organization which lacks the costly machinery available to the big professional fundraisers who for years now have monopolized Amazonian aid,” says Vitale. “Moreover, UMIYAC’s programs are aimed at strengthening indigenous, cultural processes, autonomy and self-determination, things that are not as easily marketable, as putting out fires and delivering food packages.”

Despite the ongoing impact of the global Covid-19 pandemic, the Colombian armed conflict, an asymmetrical, low-intensity war that began in 1960, also continues to threaten indigenous communities that the UMIYAC represents.

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UMIYAC members with a group of international allies.

Conflict and destruction

According to the Unit for the Attention and Integral Reparation of Victims, the conflict has killed more than nine million throughout Colombia, including 231,799 indigenous people. During the most recent Minga for Life, Territory, Democracy and Peace gatherings held in October, indigenous leaders pointed to the destructive policies perpetrated by the government of Colombian president Iván Duque Márquez. In 2020, more than 172 activists have been assassinated in Colombia including indigenous leaders.

“It is our duty to demonstrate against the intensification of the war that is unleashed in our territories, the systematic and selective assassination of our leaders, the precariousness of access and legal security of our ancestral territories, discrimination, exploitation of our mother earth, and the abandonment of the State,” indigenous leaders told local media during the gathering.

The home territory of people represented by the UMIYAC includes vital rivers such as the Caquetá and Putumayo, tributaries of the Amazon River. After the 2010-2014 Colombian National Development Plan determined, however, that these areas were no longer part of the Amazon region, these regions suffered environmental and social impacts that threatened critical ecosystems.

“It is very hard to see that human beings harm Mother Earth without looking at the consequences for future generations,” says UMIYAC president Ernesto Evanjuanoy, who adds that he wants to awaken the world to the value of respecting the land.

Every year, 240,000 hectares of forest in the Amazon is destroyed and deforestation has reached its highest level in a decade. This destruction erases both species and ancient knowledge. “We are staring in the face of physical and cultural extermination,” reads the UMIYAC crowdfunding page.

In 2009, the Colombian Constitutional Court reported that oil drilling, illegal mining, monoculture farming, cattle ranching, land seizures, and the presence of legal and illegal armed groups on ancestral lands all put indigenous communities at risk of annihilation and have forced people off their land.

“The Colombian conflict caused massive and systemic human rights violations against the civilian population, generating over 8.5 million internally displaced people,” says Vitale.

According to 2007 figures from the UN refugee agency UNHCR, more than half a million people fled Colombia because of the armed conflict, “From then until now, a very small part has returned to the country, but there are still many who continue to emigrate, which is why we say that there are more than half a million people outside the country due to the armed conflict,” Spanish doctor, psychologist and Colombian Truth Commission member Carlos Martin Beristáin told DW.com.

Healing with traditional medicines

The UMIYAC was launched during a gathering of traditional healers in Yurayaco (Caquetá). This region of the Andean-Amazonian Piedmont contains the greatest diversity of fauna and flora species in Colombia. Located in the Colombian regions of Putumayo and Caquetá, at the confluence of the Andean Mountains and the Amazon Basin, the preservation of these ecosystems safeguard ancestral wisdom that has the potential to heal modern societies.

“In this region of Piedmont and the Amazon we still survive, several indigenous peoples, who received as a heritage from our ancestor’s great wisdom through medicinal plants, knowledge of the rainforest and the sacred management of yagé. We consider yagé and other medicinal plants to be a gift from God, of great benefit to the health of humanity,” says the UMIYAC in a YouTube video.

Yagé is a combination of two plants - one containing betacarbolines which act as inhibitors of the monoamine oxidase (MAOI), and a second one containing N,N-dimethyltryptamine (DMT or N,N-DMT), a functional and structural analogue of other tryptamines such as bufotenin (5-HO-DMT) or psilocybin (4-PO-DMT). Evidence of the use of yagé dates back at least one thousand years, as demonstrated in 2010 by several archeological remains found in a cave in southwestern Bolivia.

Indigenous community elders, called “curacas,” cure possession by malignant spirits and recognize diseases using their knowledge of yagé and other medicinal plants. With nature as their textbook, they seek to heal the entire person, including his or her relationship with others, with nature and with the spiritual world.

“Yagé medicine,” writes the UMIYAC on their crowdfunding page, “is our collective and individual spiritual healing process. The ceremonies are sacred and social. During yagé ceremonies we forge unity, we laugh, we analyse the problems and we find the solutions, we share knowledge and experiences. With the spiritual strength provided by yagé medicine, we resist the pressures of war and protect the territories from environmental devastation. During the long nights of the rituals, the fire and the yagé, sacred and powerful plant of our ancestors, illuminate the thoughts and clear our vision.”

UMIYAC members have shared their knowledge at congresses, conferences and events around the world. This includes the 36th session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, which UMIYAC attended with the support of ICEERS and the Colombian-Swiss NGO Maloca Internationale.

One of UMIYAC’s first achievements was the publication of The Beliefs of the Elders, a code of medical ethics created in September 2000 with the aim of establishing guidelines for the proper use of these teacher plants.

“The simple fact that a Union has been formed does not mean that everyone will work in the same way. But there is agreement on the importance of setting some basic rules of discipline, behaviour, seriousness, and mutual respect for our communities, for ourselves, and for those who seek us out as healers,” reads the UMIYAC document.

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Educational healing workshops for women.

Defending cultural traditions

While defending their ancestral lands and healing practices, UMIYAC members are also confronting the historical devaluing of their culture. UMIYAC president Ernesto Evanjuanoy observed in a talk at the 2019 World Ayahuasca Conference that there are 102 indigenous groups living in Colombia, 64 of them in the Amazon. He says that until very recently, religious dogmas denigrated indigenous people. "People around the world are now recognizing that tribal communities preserve essential wisdom," says Evanjuanoy.

“Governments have an interest in plundering, but not in contributing,” says Evanjuanoy. “We are not owners of the Earth, it is just a loan… The Amazon is a living library. We are the guardians of Mother Nature.”

In November 2019, a decade after their first proclamation, the UMIYAC released a Declaration about cultural appropriation from the spiritual authorities, representatives and indigenous organizations of the Amazon region. In this document, UMIYAC leaders assert that "they are the original people that have inhabited these ancient lands of the Amazon, cultivating medicinal plants and practicing the knowledge and wisdom of our grandmothers and grandfathers to live in peace and harmony with Mother Earth.”

UMIYAC leaders noted that while non-indigenous people were beginning to recognize the importance of their wisdom and the value of our medicinal plants, some were attempting to falsely commercialize this knowledge.

“However, many of them are desecrating our culture and our territories, trading with yagé and other plants, dressing up as indigenous when in fact they are charlatans. We see with concern that a new form of tourism is being promoted to deceive foreigners with supposed taita or shaman services. Even many of our own indigenous brothers and sisters do not respect the value of traditional medicine and walk around towns and cities negotiating with our symbols and misleading people,” says the UMIYAC in a YouTube video.

Miguel Evanjuanoy notes that commercial exploitation and commodification of ancestral medicinal knowledge held by UMIYAC members have led to medicalization, cultural appropriation and other abuses.

“So called healing centers have opened all over the Amazon regions and our spiritual leaders and youth are induced to participate in this new and lucrative market, backed by foreign capitals,” says Miguel Evanjuanoy. “These dynamics weaken our communities, causing fractures and divisions, which increase our vulnerability and exacerbate the process of physical and cultural extermination. We are talking of a huge market that continues to blossom in evident violation of international treaties, such as International Labor Organization, Covenant 169 of 1989 and the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 2007.”

Colombian indigenous leaders have denounced the fact that the national government has not complied with the 34 agreements signed between the M
inga de Resistencia and government entities in May 2019. Vitale notes that the governments of Peru, Brazil and Colombia are not passive spectators, but have actively promoted a development model that fosters biocultural genocide and ecocide.

“Over 500 years ago our lands were invaded in order to extract the resources and wealth in the territories where we lived in communion with Mother Nature,” reads a statement on the UMIYAC website. “With the arrival of colonization, also came the religions that caused irreparable damage; by imposing the Bible and the word of God outside of our spiritual and millenary cultures. They wanted to erase our sacred connections with nature, criminalize our spiritual ceremonies and mocked our botanical science.”

At the 2019 ICEERS World Ayahuasca Conference, UMIYAC member Rubiela Mojomboy Jojoa declared that indigenous communities will continue to resist, seek resources for traditional healing, and join together to defend their cultures against the pandemic and destruction of their lands. “We are going to defend our people’s life,” says Mojomboy Jojoa. “We are in resistance together with all brother and neighbor nations from Peru, Bolivia, Brazil, and Ecuador.”

As indigenous healers seek support to defend their people and their culture in a time of pandemic, there is a growing awareness that traditional knowledge, and deep connection to the natural world, plays an essential role in supporting the future health of the planet. Nature will never surrender.

*From the article here:
 
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Psychedelics and ancient art

by Sean Lea | Truffle Report | 11 Mar 2021

A point of contention in the burgeoning field of psychedelic study is just how much psychedelics have influenced different peoples throughout history. Imagery that modern scholars interpret as psychedelic appears in the ancient artwork of multiple cultures. Throughout the ongoing process of undoing the social stigmas of psychedelic use, advocates have suggested that historical cave art, figurines, or temple paintings are evidence that psychedelics might have played a role in the development of mankind.

What causes them to make these assertions and just how valid are they?

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Stoned ape theory

Likely one of the most well-known arguments for psychedelics in the role of human evolutionary development is Terence Mckenna’s “stoned ape theory”. Mckenna was a psychonaut and lecturer who advocated for psychedelic use. Along with the above theory, he also coined the term “technodelic” to describe the relationship between psychedelics and technology. His stoned ape theory attempts to address the mysterious nature of human consciousness and how it developed in a different way than other mammals in the evolutionary chain. In brief, Mckenna surmised that early nomadic proto-civilizations in prehistoric Africa may have added P. cubensis mushrooms to their diet as they began to experience an expansion of language, memory and religion. These expansions of consciousness would then have given these early psychonauts an evolutionary advantage and have helped carry human development forward.

An October 2020 Vice article addresses numerous problems in the assumptions that researchers and advocates have made about the historical use of psychedelics. Several studies, including a recent one conducted by Martin Fortier, suggest that these arguments are laced with confirmation bias and point to a historical romanticism positioned to make psychedelics more marketable. Fortier conducted a review of evidence pointing to psychedelic use in ancient cultures and found that the only reliable evidence points to the use of psychedelics in pre-Colombian Southern and Mesoamerican cultures.

For the remainder of this discussion on ancient artwork, we will try to keep these problems in mind.

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Psychedelic cave art

Cave art found around the world has many common elements and motifs. These include zig zags, spirals, or recurrent geometric patterns that can be found throughout the historical art of various cultures and regions —including that of Egypt, the Aztecs, Africa, and the Americas. Since these designs resemble patterns one might see during a psychedelic trip, certain researchers like David Lewis-Williams have suggested these ancient artists may have produced their work based on psychedelic visions. The corresponding proximity of psychedelic plants to the geographical locations of these cultures make it possible, but how plausible is this theory?

It’s difficult to really know for sure. A recent excavation of the 500 year-old Pinwheel Cave in Southern California suggests that datura played a role in the Native American society of this time. The red pinwheel pattern on the ceiling, for which the cave is named, resembles the spiral pattern of an unfurling datura flower. Chemical analyses and electron microscopy have confirmed that traces of plant matter shoved into cracks of the cave are indeed datura. Excavated materials such as tools and food scraps suggest that a group of people may have inhabited the cave when the painting was produced —a different possibility from a single shaman having a trip and painting patterns from their vision. This is a small but significant distinction.

The aforementioned Vice article points out that just because we know that cultures were familiar with a psychedelic plant, does not mean they used them in the ways we imagine. In this case, the painting of the datura flower may have represented group veneration for the plant rather than being the painted result of a tripped-out shaman’s visions. It’s impossible to say.

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Ancient Art of the Maya and Aztec

On the other hand, reports and artwork that confirm the nature of psychedelic use in the Americas are fairly substantial. There are several codices left behind by Spanish colonists and missionaries that describe the ritual uses of psilocybin mushrooms and peyote. The consumption of alcohol and hallucinogens seems to date back to the Olmec era (1200-400BCE). The mushroom stones found in Mexico, Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala resemble psilocybin mushrooms and there are figures carved into the stalks or “stipes” of each. At least one of these seems to depict the practice of grinding psilocybin mushrooms into powder.

Dating back to 500CE, a mural exists of the Toltec rain god surrounded by the figures of priests or shamans holding mushrooms where his rain falls. This mural is thought to depict the relationships between priests, gods, and psychedelic plants —where the plants, or mushrooms, offer a gateway to communication with the gods.

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Mandalas and expanded states of consciousness

Mandalas are extremely ornate and intricate images that are associated with Buddhism, Hinduism, and the Navajo (mandala designs can be found within dream catchers). Often meant to represent the structure of the universe, the designs of a mandala typically revolve around a central focal point —usually a circle. The circle represents the oneness of the universe and is surrounded by designs such as squares that represent aspects of order in the universe. They function as guides for meditative exploration and are meant to enhance focus.

The variety of imagery found across different mandalas tends to look psychedelic. Users of DMT, in particular, have reported seeing mandala designs while tripping. Does this mean that Tibetan monks may have used DMT in order to produce these intricate designs?

As far as we know, absolutely not. Mandalas, however, do demonstrate one further connection between psychedelics and ancient art. Mandalas are both an aid to, and product of, meditation —an exploration of the unconscious mind. Similarly, psychedelics open a window into the inner workings of our unconscious minds. Mandalas are an example of how it can be easy to assume that historical artwork was facilitated by psychedelics —but that these images likely already existed in our subconscious minds, and those of the artists, to begin with.

*From the article here :
 
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Gibraltar cave chamber discovery could shed light on Neanderthals’ culture

Researchers find space in Gorham’s Cave complex that has been closed off for at least 40,000 years

by Sam Jones | The Guardian | 28 Sep 2021

Researchers excavating a cave network on the Rock of Gibraltar have discovered a new chamber, sealed off from the world for at least 40,000 years, that could shed light on the culture and customs of the Neanderthals who occupied the area for a thousand centuries.

In 2012, experts began examining Vanguard Cave, part of the Gorham’s Cave complex, to determine its true dimensions and to see whether it contained passages and chambers that had been plugged by sand.

Last month the team, led by Prof Clive Finlayson, an evolutionary biologist who serves as director of the Gibraltar National Museum, came across a gap in the sediment, which they widened and crawled through. It led them to a 13-metre space in the roof of the cave where stalactites hung from the ceiling and broken curtains of rock suggested damage from an ancient earthquake.


“It’s quite a chamber,” Finlayson told the Guardian. “In a way, it’s almost like discovering the tomb of Tutankhamun; you’re going into a space that no one’s been into for 40,000 years. It’s quite sobering, really.”

Scattered across the chamber’s surface were the leg bone of a lynx, vertebrae from a spotted hyena, and the large wing bone of a griffon vulture.

“Something dragged things into there a long time ago,” said Finlayson. “We’ve also found six or seven examples of scratched claw marks on the walls of the cave. You’d normally associate that kind of claw mark with bears – and we do have bear remains in the cave, but they look a bit small to me. I wonder whether that lynx whose femur we found was actually scratching on the walls.”

Although the bones – which showed no cuts or marks consistent with human intervention – are interesting in themselves, the team also found a large dog whelk shell that raises tantalising possibilities.

From the left, the entrances to the Bennett’s, Gorham’s, Vanguard and Hyaena caves that constitute the four main caves of Gorham’s complex.

From the left, the entrances to the caves, which constitute the four main caves of the Gorham’s complex.

"That bit of the cave is probably 20 metres above sea level today, so clearly somebody took it up there some time before 40,000 years ago,” said the professor. “That’s already a hint that people have been up there.”

Elsewhere in the caves, the team has recovered ample evidence of Neanderthal occupation, from hearths and stone tools to the remains of butchered animals including red deer, ibex, seals and dolphins. Four years ago, the researchers came across the milk tooth of a four-year-old Neanderthal child in an area frequented by hyenas.

“We’re still looking there, but there was no occupation by Neanderthals on that level, so we suspect that the hyenas got the kid and killed him or her and dragged her into the back of the cave,” said Finlayson. “We’re looking to see if there’s more of that child left there.”

The team is hopeful that their dig down from the apex of the cave could lead to side chambers and perhaps even the odd burial site.


“One of the things that we’ve found on many levels of this cave is clear evidence of occupation – campfires and so on,” said Finlayson. “I’m speculating now, but what we haven’t found is where they buried their own. Since we’re speculating, a chamber at the back of a cave could be quite suggestive – it’s total speculation, but you’re not going to bury people in your kitchen or in your living room.”

Efforts to explore and excavate further are being planned, but the researchers believe the new area could yield precious clues about the existence and society of these coastal, Mediterranean Neanderthals.

“These caves have been giving us a great deal of information about the behaviour of these people,” said Finlayson. “And, far from the old view of the brutish, ape-like beings, we’re realising that in every respect they were human, and capable of most of the things that modern humans were capable of doing. We even know that they were interchanging genes.”

For the professor, the search is about more than just finding skeletons: it is about finding out who the Neanderthals were, how they lived, how they died, and how they survived.

“I’m proud to say that I’ve done my test, and I’ve got two-point-something percent Neanderthal DNA in me,” he said. “Arguably, they never went extinct because there’s still a little bit of them in us.”

 
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The Ancestral Healing Power of Ayahuasca

by Taschauna A. Richards, MS, RMHCI | Psychedelic Science Review | 3 Feb 2021

Exploring the historical, traditional, and entheogenic contexts of ayahuasca for further understanding of its therapeutic value.

Psychedelics have been growing in popularity as numerous psychological studies explore the effectiveness in treating a variety of mental health issues, ranging from addiction to PTSD.1 Despite the increasing number of clinical trials of these substances, little sociological research has been conducted on the subject. It is important to understand the history of traditions behind the use of these entheogens.

Like many other psychoactive compounds, there’s much debate as to whether a mystical experience is truly necessary for one to receive therapeutic benefits from ayahuasca. This article goes beyond the science, taking a closer look into the spiritual and ancestral aspects of ayahuasca use. A deeper look into these sociological aspects may be important to fully understand the psychological and spiritual healing potential of psychedelics.

History and chemistry of Ayahuasca

Ayahuasca is a Quechua word meaning “vine of the soul:” aya meaning soul, ancestors, or dead persons, and wasca (huasca) meaning vine or rope.2 Also known as huasca, daime, or yagé, it is a psychoactive plant-based tea brewed from the Amazonian vine Banisteriopsis caapi (B. caapi) and the leaves of the Psychotria viridis bush (P. viridis).

B. caapi contains a variety of monoamine oxidase (MAO) inhibiting β-carboline compounds such as harmine, harmaline, and tetrahydroharmine, which have mild antidepressant effects. P. viridis contains large amounts of the hallucinogenic tryptamine N,N-dimethyltryptamine (DMT). The MAO inhibitors prevent the breakdown of DMT in the body, allowing the effects of the ayahuasca brew to manifest themselves. DMT has been dubbed the “spirit molecule” for its profound effects on the human psyche. People who drink ayahuasca depict having “powerfully mystical or transcendental visions and ideations” interpreted to provide insights leading to positive behavioral changes.3

Traditional uses of Ayahuasca

The ancestral healing power of ayahuasca has traditionally been used for centuries by indigenous and mestizo populations of Amazonian countries, and other groups of the Americas since pre-Columbian times as a herbal medicine for magical, spiritual, and therapeutic purposes; to heal or aid with many ailments.

There are legends and myths passed down through the generations about the many years in which ayahuasca has been used to heal the elders; to purify and make them healthy. These practitioners believe that it is the very ritual behind the plant that is needed to access the healing power of ayahuasca, as it is “a medicine that carries the intention of how it was made into the ceremony.”4 There’s a ritual necessary for planting it, one to harvest it, one to brew it, one to consume it: “everything is done with ritual.”

In an interview, Taita Juan Bautista Agreda Chindoy, a Cametsa traditional healer and yagecero from the Sibundoy Valley in Colombia, discussed the importance of ritual when using ayahuasca. He states that “one makes a very special prayer in order to be connected with the ancestors, as well as with the elemental energy of the plants”. From “explaining the way that the yagé grows, where it comes from, what you receive, and what the intention is” to “the song, through the harmonization of music, with the necklaces, the cascabeles that make music, the harmonica,” it is all vital components of the ayahuasca healing process. The ritual consists of praying and thanking the ancestors who have preserved this tradition “for the privilege to work with it;” asking that “the intentions of each person be blessed.”

Ayahuasca is also traditionally used to heal energetic illnesses that “one feels but does not see:” illnesses that will never appear in an x-ray; never appear in a medical exam.4 These illnesses can be very strong and thus, there are going to be complications if there is not someone who understands them and can provide assistance. Thus, ayahuasca should always be utilized under the guidance of a taita, a shaman who is “always prepared, with the clear intention to heal and to cure” and “knows how to manage energies.”

For instance, a limpia is a cleansing performed with specific branches called a waira and an extraction of a plant called chonduro.4 A limpia is conducted by the guide to complement the yagé ritual using ayahuasca to rid a person of the certain energies that come from their past experiences. Taita Juan exclaims that “this is why it is important to do [ayahuasca] in a ceremony and with a guide because whatever happens, one can work with different therapies, using different plants, essences, and massages.”

Summary

Despite the legal regulations of psychedelics, studies continue to be conducted to determine the safety and efficacy of psychedelics in the treatment of a number of mental disorders. Outside of clinical applications, “the most generally accepted use of these substances exists within a religious framework.”1 The healing power of ayahuasca has been used for centuries as it is a method to “purify” and “detoxify” one from the elements that make them sick.4 Understanding the traditional uses of ayahuasca will allow for proper utilization of the entheogen as the therapeutic benefits and the healing comes from the ritual.

There is a clear relationship between the use of entheogens and spirituality that has existed for thousands of years. Thus, more sociological contexts such as the historical relationship of the mystical experiences and spirituality when utilizing entheogens should be explored to expand the breadth of knowledge as it relates to the psychological and spiritual healing potential of psychedelic treatment.

 
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Chavin de Huantar

Chavin de Huantar is an ancient temple located in a remote mountain valley in Peru, where priests with seemingly magical powers presided long before the births of Christ or Confucius. The temple lies about 160 miles north of Lima. Discovered in the late 1800s, it is a temple complex built by one of the oldest known civilizations in South America, the Chavin. Occupation at Chavin de Huantar has been carbon dated to at least 3000 BC, with ceremonial center activity occurring primarily toward the end of the second millennium, and through the middle of the first millennium BC. The earliest evidence of the ceremonial use of San Pedro (huachuma) is a stone carving of a huachumero (huachuma shaman) at Chavin de Huantar.

The location of Chavin helped make it a special place—the temple was an important pilgrimage site that drew people and their offerings from far and wide. At 10,330 feet in elevation, it sits between the eastern (Cordillera Negra—snowless) and western (Cordillera Blanca—snowy) ranges of the Andes, near two of the few mountain passes that allow passage between the desert coast to the west and the Amazon jungle to the east. It is located near the confluence of the Huachesca and Mosna Rivers, a natural phenomenon of two joining into one that may have been seen as a spiritually powerful phenomenon. The main site, Chavin de Huantar, is characterized by huge raised platforms formed from massive blocks of dressed stone.

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Underground tunnels within the main temple of Chavin de Huantar

The temple complex that stands today is comprised of two buildings: the U-shaped Old Temple, built around 900 B.C.E., and the New Temple (built approximately 500 B.C.E.), which expanded the Old Temple and added a rectangular sunken court. The majority of the structures used roughly-shaped stones in many sizes to compose walls and floors. Finer smoothed stone was used for carved elements. From its first construction, the interior of the temple was riddled with a multitude of tunnels, called galleries. While some of the maze-like galleries are connected with each other, others are separate. The galleries all exist in darkness—there are no windows in them, although there are many smaller tunnels that allow air to pass throughout the structure.

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The village with which the Chavin site shares its name is home to about 1,000 people, mostly farmers. A single paved street runs through the middle. Horses and donkeys are frequently tethered on the main drag, and pigs shuffle about on the dirt side streets. The town abuts the site of the ruins, which attract slow but steady tourist traffic. Middle-aged women and young girls sell soft drinks and snacks outside the main gate.

A short walk over a small hill brings you within sight of the ruins—though there isn’t a lot to see at first glance. In the distance is the grassy Square Plaza. Closer to the entrance are the seven massive mounds that have been found at Chavin, including old and newer temple arrangements built over a span of 500 to 1,000 years. Impressive, crumbling walls are visible, along with what’s left of a staircase that led up to what was originally a four-story-high structure. Beneath the temples lies a labyrinth of dim, narrow and exotically named passageways—Gallery of the Madman, Gallery of the Bats, Gallery of the Offerings.


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The god for whom the temple was constructed is represented in the Lanzon (below) - a notched wedge-shaped stone over 15 feet tall, carved with the image of a supernatural being, and located deep within the Old Temple, intersecting several galleries. Lanzon means “great spear” in Spanish, but a better comparison would be the shape of the digging stick used in traditional highland agriculture. That shape would seem to indicate that the deity’s power was ensuring successful planting and harvest.


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The Lanzon

The Lanzon depicts a standing figure with bared teeth and protruding fangs. The figure’s left hand rests pointing down, while the right is raised upward, encompassing heaven and earth. The hands have long, talon-like fingernails. The Lanzon deity is a mixture of human and animal features. The fangs and talons indicate associations with the jaguar and the caiman. The eyebrows and hair are rendered as snakes.




The ritual would have begun with the ingestion of the psychedelic cactus, San Pedro. As subjects felt their way through the dark, cramped tunnels, conch horns echoed around them from some unseen source. Water roared through canals beneath their feet (and, strangely, overhead). Mirrors placed in ventilation ducts to reflect the sun poured brilliant shafts of light into the subterranean hallways, only to be “turned off,” thrusting the occupant into total darkness. By the time initiates emerged from the chambers, their perspective would have been altered forever.​
 
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Is this cave painting a hallucination, or something more obvious?*

by George Dvorsky | GIZMODO | 24 Nov 2020

There’s a cave in California, roughly an hour’s drive from Santa Barbara, whose ceiling features a prominent pinwheel-like drawing. Fascinating new research suggests this painting is not some drug-induced abstraction, but a literal representation of the very thing that makes psychedelic trips possible.

Chewed remnants of the psychedelic plant Datura wrightii offer “unambiguous confirmation of the ingestion of hallucinogens” at Pinwheel Cave in California, according to new research published in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. The rock site was frequented by indigenous Californians roughly 500 years ago. Just as importantly, the dazzling red pinwheel painted onto the low ceiling is a representation of the plant itself, not a depiction of a shaman’s visual experiences while tripping on the drug, the scientists argue. The new paper is consequently challenging the prevailing altered states of consciousness model (ASC), which contends that “hallucinogens have influenced the prehistoric making of images in caves and rock shelters,” as the study authors write.

Indeed, it might be time to retire this seemingly outdated notion. The ASC model suggests abstract images found in cave paintings across the world—things like swirls, zigzags, dots, geometric shapes, and possibly even therianthropes (part-human, part-animal beings)—were inspired by psychedelics. Some experts have even argued that these abstract images are self portraits made by shamans, or depictions of shamans’ experiences while in a trance. That regular folks might partake in these drugs is rarely considered by anthropologists and archaeologists—and in fact, it’s often argued that these cave sites were exclusive to shamans, not a space for the rest of the group.

Trouble is, evidence to support the ASC hypothesis is sorely lacking, as the new paper, led by David W. Robinson from the University of Central Lancashire, points out. Instead, these ambiguous shapes are likely “stock iconographic images drawing upon mythology and the personifying of insects, animals, plant, and astronomical elements such as the sun,” according to the paper.

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Flower of D. wrightii, as photographed near the cave site.

But in this case, the drawing in question isn’t even ambiguous—the pinwheel painting really does look like the Datura plant, the flowers of which uncoil to reveal a five-pointed, pinwheel-like configuration. Moreover, ethnographic accounts describe how indigenous Californians consumed these plants as a means to enter into a trance state. Datura could be ingested for a variety of reasons, including “to gain supernatural power for doctoring, to counteract negative supernatural events, to ward off ghosts, and to see the future or find lost objects, but, most especially, as a mendicant for a variety of ailments,” as the authors write. Datura was prepared in any number of ways, including as a drink, but the simplest was to chew on the roots or other parts of the plant.

Robinson and his colleagues have been exploring Pinwheel Cave since 2007. Of significance, the team found quids stuffed into cracks along the cave’s ceiling. These fibrous bundles of plant material are often found buried at archaeological sites, with quids typically consisting of yucca, agave, tule, and tobacco, which prehistoric people chewed to obtain nutrients or stimulants.

DNA analysis of the quids found in Pinwheel Cave failed to identify the source plant, so the scientists turned to other techniques. A scanning electron microscope confirmed the items as quids, as the discarded wads showed evidence of chewing. A mass spectrometer detected the active psychedelic ingredients in Datura, namely scopolamine and atropine.

Paul Bahn, author of The First Artists: In Search of the World’s Oldest Art, said that the discovery of Datura compounds in the quids was “a nice piece of archaeological analysis,” but he was highly skeptical of the certainty with which they identified the painting as representing the flower itself. “Only the artist can tell us what the drawing represented, if anything. They are interpreting it, not identifying it. Now, there is a possibility that it depicts what they want it to depict, but we have absolutely no way of knowing, and there are many other possibilities.”

Fair point, but the suggestion that the pinwheel represents Datura is hardly a stretch, as the plant was likely a very big deal for this community. A depiction of Datura on the cave ceiling allowed the community to visually express its social, cultural, and metaphysical significance.

And indeed, Pinwheel Cave was a shared space, as other archaeological evidence reveals. In addition to the quids, the researchers found evidence of stone tool manufacture, projectile points, and signs of cooking, such as burnt bones and charcoal. So a space exclusive to shamans? No way.

Despite Bahn’s reservations about the interpretation of the image, he’s happy to see the shift away from the ASC model.

“One major plus of this paper is that they have broken away from the ludicrous school of thought that dominated for a while in the 1990s and early 2000s, which saw all rock art as trance imagery produced by shamans, and which did tremendous damage to rock art studies all over the world, and notably in the USA,” said Bahn. “To that extent, it is a breath of fresh air.”

Archaeology is tough, and it takes time—and tons of evidence—to reach the truth, or at least something approximating the truth. The new research nicely chips away at an old theory that probably used to make a lot of sense, but on further review, seems a bit old fashioned, if not completely silly.

“This indicates that Datura was ingested in the cave and that the rock painting represents the plant itself, serving to codify communal rituals involving this powerful entheogen [hallucinogen],” the researchers write. “These results confirm the use of hallucinogens at a rock art site while calling into question previous assumptions concerning trance and rock art imagery.”

*From the article here :
 
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Ancient ayahuasca found in 1,000-year-old shamanic pouch

The ritual container, made of three fox snouts, contains the earliest known evidence of ayahuasca preparation.

by Erin Blakemore | National Geographic

A small pouch, made from three fox snouts neatly sewn together, may contain the world’s earliest archaeological evidence for the consumption of ayahuasca, a psychoactive plant preparation indigenous to peoples of the Amazon basin that produces potent hallucinations.

The pouch likely belonged to a shaman in what is now southwestern Bolivia around a thousand years ago, according to José Capriles, an anthropologist at Penn State University and an author of a paper published on the discovery today in the journal PNAS.

Capriles found the pouch—and evidence of its trip-inducing contents—during a 2010 archaeological dig in Cueva del Chileno, a rock shelter that shows signs of human activity going back 4,000 years.

The cave was once used as a tomb, and though later looters took the bodies, they left behind what they considered to be garbage—beads, braids of human hair, and what Capriles first thought was a leather shoe.

That “shoe” turned out to be an archaeological treasure—actually a leather ritual bag or bundle containing the fox-snout pouch, a decorated headband, tiny spatulas made from llama bone, and a carved tube and small wooden platforms for inhaling substances. Radiocarbon dating of the leather bag surface indictaed it was used sometime between around 900 to 1170 A.D.

Plenty of psychoactive substances

While the bundle contained some dried plant remains, Capriles and his international research team weren’t able to determine their identity with certainty. Still, wondering what other plants the shaman once stored in his bag, the researchers tested the chemical signature from the inside of the fox-snout pouch against those of a variety of plants.

It turns out the pouch once contained a number of psychoactive substances. The analysis revealed traces of bufotenine, benzoylecgonine (BZE) and cocaine (likely from coca leaf), dimethyltryptamine (DMT), harmine, and possibly psilocin, a chemical component of psychedelic mushrooms.

The pouch’s owner was either well-traveled or connected to a vast trade network, as not all of the plants once present in the pouch are native to southwestern Bolivia. Harmine is abundant in the yage plant, which comes from tropical parts of northern South America, hundreds of miles away. And the team thinks the DMT may have been from chacruna, a plant from the Amazonian lowlands. “This person was moving very large distances or had access to people who were,” says Capriles.

The suspected shaman also had access to powerful psychedelic experiences, likely thanks to a combination of harmine and DMT. Harmine-containing yage is the primary ingredient in modern-day ayahuasca, and is often combined with DMT-containing chacruna. Together, the substances interact to cause powerful hallucinations along with nausea and vomiting.

A deep time perspective

Though ayahuasca is touted today as an “ancient” preparation, the actual age of the brew and ritual are contested. Capriles’s find can be considered the world’s earliest archaeological evidence of ayahuasca consumption, although there’s no way to prove that the shaman at Cueva del Chileno actually brewed or administered ayahuasca from the ingredients detected in the pouch.

Modern ayahuasca preparations “are idiosyncratic,” says Dennis McKenna, an ethnopharmacologist who specializes in plant hallucinogens and leads modern-day ayahuasca retreats. “Every shaman practically has his own brew.” But he agrees that the substances found in the Cueva del Chileno shaman’s pouch could have been used to prepare ayahuasca.

“People have been arguing that [ayahuasca] was mostly a recent thing,” says Scott Fitzpatrick, an archaeologist at the University of Oregon who was not involved with the research. “The ayahuasca ritual has a deep time perspective now.”

Today, ayahuasca is enjoying newfound popularity. Its psychedelic effects—and its potential psychiatric benefits for people with mood disorders and illnesses—fuel demand both in South America and the United States, where shamans offer ayahuasca ceremonies for curious practitioners.

'Astonishing' experiences

Capriles concedes that the discovery could well be used to advertise modern ayahuasca rituals aimed at tourists, but he emphasizes the sacred nature of the shaman’s work. “These people were not just tripping because of entertainment,” he says.

Nor was the ritual bundle left in the cave by accident. “We believe that it was left intentionally,” he adds. “This is a typical behavior that you see in ritually charged places.”

Modern users don’t necessarily try the drug for spiritual reasons, says McKenna. “It’s used very differently these days—not necessarily in a worse way, but a different way.”

But McKenna, who has spent years studying and sampling ayahuasca, sees common ground between ancient healers and those seeking powerful psychedelic experiences today. “When I use these substances, I am usually astonished by what I experience,” he says. “They must have been astonished, too.”

 
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A model of a Neanderthal man at the Natural History Museum in London.

Tiny traces of DNA found in cave dust may unlock the secret life of Neanderthals

Advanced technique used to recover genetic material may help solve the mystery of early man

by Robin McKie | The Observer | 16 May 2021

Scientists have pinpointed major changes in Europe’s Neanderthal populations – from traces of blood and excrement they left behind in a Spanish cave 100,000 years ago.

The discovery is the first important demonstration of a powerful new technique that allows researchers to study DNA recovered from cave sediments. No fossils or stone tools are needed for such studies. Instead, minuscule traces of genetic material that have accumulated in the dust of a cavern floor are employed to reveal ancient secrets.

The power of cave dirt DNA analysis is the scientific equivalent of “extracting gold dust from the air,” as one researcher put it, and has raised hopes that it could transform our understanding of how our predecessors behaved.

“The potential of this technology is fantastic,” said Professor Chris Stringer of the Natural History Museum, London. “You don’t need to have a stone tool or a fossil bone to find out if an ancient human had lived or worked at a site. All you need is the DNA that they left behind in the debris of their cave homes. That has enormous implications for all sorts of investigations.”

Targets for future cave dirt DNA analyses include studies of the Denisovans, a mysterious species of early humans who lived in east Asia tens of thousands of years ago. By studying sediments in caves and other sites in India, China and other parts of Asia, scientists could discover how widely the species spread before becoming extinct.

The technique could also help researchers shed new light on Homo floresiensis, the small-bodied “Hobbit” people who lived in Indonesia more than 50,000 years ago, but who left only a meagre collection of remains. In addition, it could be used to pinpoint the exact timing of the exodus of modern humans from Africa and their entry into Europe tens of millennia in the past.

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Prehistoric remains at a cave in San Felice Circeo, Italy.

In each case, current studies have been frustrated by a lack of hard evidence, an issue that does not affect cave dirt DNA analysis. Developed by scientists based at Germany’s Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology four years ago, the technique’s usefulness was demonstrated in a “proof of concept” paper published in the journal Science in 2017. Scientists revealed they could identify Neanderthal DNA among all the other scraps of genetic material left behind in caves.

Now the team have taken the technology to a new level by studying the exact genetic identity of Neanderthals who once lived in the cave Galería de las Estatuas – or the Gallery of Statues – in northern Spain. Results were again published in Science.

“Galería de las Estatuas is a well-studied cave in which we have clear evidence of Neanderthals having lived there for tens of thousands of years,” said Max Planck researcher Benjamin Vernot, who led the investigation. “We don’t think they buried their dead there but we do believe they may have butchered meat there. Occasionally, they would have cut themselves and would have bled on the cave floor. Similarly, their babies would have deposited excrement there and so left their DNA behind.”

The key point about Galería de las Estatuas is that it has been studied very carefully by palaeontologists and archaeologists so that each layer of cave sediment has been analysed and dated precisely. “That means we could put an exact date to the samples of DNA that we found in each layer,” said Vernot. And that led to an unexpected discovery. The team found that, about 100,000 years ago, the population who had been living in the cave for millennia were replaced by a completely different group of Neanderthal people.

“It was as if a modern human population of Europeans had been replaced by East Asians,” said Vernot. “However, we have no idea whether this was a violent replacement or a relatively slow process.”

However, Vernot pointed out that at around this time Earth experienced a significant change in climate when weather systems cooled. “It could be that the first population could not tolerate or survive the cold in the area surrounding Galería de las Estatuas and died out or decided to leave. Later, when the weather improved, a new population – with a different genetic signature – moved in,” added Vernot.

"That reveals the power of cave dirt DNA analysis," said Stringer.

“Getting a bigger picture of how past populations of ancient humans, such as the Neanderthals, moved around has been difficult to assess just from occasional bits of bone and the odd stone tool,” he said. “However, studying the DNA they have left behind gives us an entirely new window on our prehistory.”

 
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María Sabina, mushrooms, and 'colonial extractivism'

by Osiris Sinuhé González Romero, Ph.D | Chacruna | 27 May 2021

“Who was María Sabina?”

“What kind of wisdom is necessary to find healing in the sacred mushrooms?”

No doubt these are questions that many people have asked themselves. To satisfy that curiosity, I share with you the ideas and experiences of María Sabina. She is undeniably the best-known Mazatec sage, but despite her notoriety she remains poorly understood.
Archaeological evidence and historical sources have demonstrated how Maya, Mixtec, and Aztec civilizations used.

Indigenous knowledge about mushrooms is not a pearl of isolated or fortuitous wisdom, but is deeply rooted in ancient Mesoamerican tradition. Archaeological evidence and written historical sources have demonstrated the use of sacred mushrooms by the Maya, Mixtec, and Aztec civilizations.

Encounter with the sacred mushrooms

María Sabina’s first encounter with sacred mushrooms occurred when she was six or seven years old (circa 1900) when one of her uncle’s became ill. To cure him, his family called for a sage (Chotá-a-Tchi-née). This physician-sage had the power to diagnose the sick person, to whom he would feed several pairs of mushrooms. The mushrooms were distributed in pairs to represent the idea of duality and the archetype of the primordial couple. The purpose of having the patient ingest the mushrooms is to learn the origin of his condition so the patient can contribute to the healing process. “A Mazatec ‘shaman’ guides through prayers and chants the one who has decided to ‘realize’ the cause of his ills, and to watch over the good development of the ritual.”

The physician-sage performed a ceremony or “velada” to cure María Sabina’s uncle. She watched as he lit the candles and spoke with the “guardians of the hills” and the “guardians of the springs.” She saw how he distributed the mushrooms among the adults and her uncle. Once in complete darkness, she heard the wise man talk and talk and sing, although it was different from the language he used every day.
Mountains, springs, and plants are endowed with life and personality. Therefore, they are sacred entities with which it is possible to communicate through a ritual language.

These cultural traits belong to the ancient Mesoamerican tradition, which recognizes that the mountains, springs, and plants are endowed with life and personality. They are sacred entities with which it is possible to communicate through a ritual language.

A few days after the healing ceremony, María Sabina was with her sister María Ana tending the family’s chickens to protect them from foxes. Sitting under a tree, she recognized some mushrooms just like the ones eaten by the physician-sage who cured her uncle, and little by little, she began to gather them.

On that first occasion, she ingested the sacred mushrooms together with her sister. After experiencing some dizziness, both girls began to cry; however, once the dizziness disappeared, they both felt fine and were very happy.

María Sabina reports that she felt a new lease on life. In the following days, she says that when they felt hungry, they ingested the mushrooms and felt a full stomach and a happy spirit.

Together with her sister, they continued to eat the mushrooms as they went into the bush. Sometimes their mother or grandparents would find the girls lying down or kneeling. Then, finally, the adults would pick up the girls and take them home. Still, they were never scolded or beaten for eating the sacred mushrooms because the Mazatec people knew it was not good to scold people who had ingested them. After all, it can provoke mixed feelings in them. For example, they may feel that they are going crazy.

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Encounter with the Principal Beings

It was not until she was widowed for the first time that María Sabina got closer to the wisdom of the sacred mushrooms. During the first years of her widowhood, she began to experience discomfort in her waist and hips due to childbirth. She decided to retake the sacred mushrooms to cure herself. However, the decisive moment for reaffirming her vocation was when her sister María Ana became ill. Among the most severe symptoms were pains and spasms in the belly. To relieve her, she called other wise men and healers, but these efforts were unsuccessful.

María Sabina knew that the Mazatecs used sacred mushrooms to alleviate illnesses, so she decided to do the ritual herself. According to testimony recounted by Mazatec writer Álvaro Estrada, she said: “To her, I gave three pairs. I ate many, to give me immense power. I can’t lie, I must have eaten thirty pairs of derrumbe mushrooms.” According to scientific literature, contemporary Mazatecs know and use at least ten different species of psychoactive mushrooms. The most well known are: “derrumbe” (psilocibe caerulescens) and “pajarito” (psilocibe mexicana).

Undoubtedly, this experience was crucial because, in addition to achieving the purpose of relieving her sister, María Sabina had a vision in which six to eight characters appeared that inspired tremendous respect in her. “I knew they were ‘the Principal Beings’ my ancestors were talking about,” she stated.

Ancestors are the bearers of knowledge, wisdom, and experience for Indigenous peoples. Consequently, they are the front line of teachers, facilitators, and guides, and are distinguished for having left a legacy. In the case of María Sabina, her legacy is directly related to the power of healing with the help of sacred mushrooms.
The revelation that occurred during that ceremony would be decisive in consolidating María Sabina’s vocation, as the news of her sister’s healing spread among the inhabitants of Huautla.

A remarkable fact is that this legacy of wisdom appeared to María Sabina in the form of a book. According to María Sabina’s testimony, the Principal Beings surrounded a table on which an open book appeared, which grew to the size of a person. It was white, so white that it glowed, and on its pages were letters. It was not just any book, as Estrada reports: “One of the Principal Beings spoke to me and said: María Sabina, this is the Book of Wisdom. It is the Book of Language. All it contains is for you. The Book is yours, take it to work with.”

This revelation was decisive in consolidating María Sabina’s vocation. The news of her sister’s healing spread among the inhabitants of Huautla, the village where she lived, who sought her out more and more frequently to help them heal their sick family members.

Another remarkable aspect of María Sabina’s story is her recognition of Western medicine. For her, there was no opposition between traditional medicine and Western medicine, but rather a complementary relationship. She also held this to be the case with the spirituality coming from the Mesoamerican tradition and the tradition coming from Christianity. On one occasion María Sabina was shot twice and was taken to the village doctor, a young man called Salvador Guerra. He used anesthesia and removed the bullets, she was amazed and grateful to the doctor, and they later became friends, and she even performed a mushrooms ceremony for him.

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The encounter with Robert Gordon Wasson

It was her prestige within her community that led to María Sabina’s encounter with Robert Gordon Wasson in 1955. Wasson had been in Oaxaca before, and even to Huautla inquiring about the ritual uses of sacred mushrooms. Their encounter marked a critical moment for studying and understanding sacred mushrooms’ ritual and therapeutic uses.

In both writings for a general audience and in scientific literature of Western culture, there was a belief that these rituals had disappeared with colonization, which was inaccurate. That is why the meeting between María Sabina and Wasson is of particular significance. According to Wasson’s testimony: “There is no indication that any white man has ever attended a session such as the one we are about to describe, nor has he ever consumed the sacred mushrooms under any circumstances.”

In this encounter, it is worth highlighting the asymmetry of power. Wasson was a banker who became vice president of J.P. Morgan, with abundant resources to finance his expeditions. At the same time, María Sabina was a recognized sage in her community. Still, she did not charge a fixed amount of money when she performed her “ceremonies” with sacred mushrooms. Instead, she was under pressure to accept to meet with Gordon Wasson by the municipal trustee of Huautla. In an interview with Alberto Ongaro in 1971, Wasson admitted that the Mazatec sage had been asked to perform the ceremony by the trustee, Don Cayetano. She felt she had no choice. “I should have said no.”
“The encounter between María Sabina and Robert Gordon Wasson represents one of the most critical events in the history of research on the uses of psychedelic plants.”

The pressure put on María Sabina was later corroborated in an interview she gave to Álvaro Estrada in 1976: “It is true that before Wasson, no one spoke so freely about children [sacred mushrooms]. None of our people revealed what they knew about this matter. But I obeyed the municipal trustee. However, if the foreigners had arrived without any recommendation, I would also have shown them my wisdom because there is nothing wrong.”

The encounter between María Sabina and Robert Gordon Wasson represents one of the most critical events in the history of research on the uses of psychedelic plants. Mainly because of its cultural repercussions, which are far from being understood or even acknowledged. Their encounter represents an opportunity to learn about the scope and depth of the wisdom of the Indigenous peoples whom María Sabina’s gift represented. It also provides a chance to reflect on some ethical aspects, such as cultural extractivism, that a decolonial approach cannot leave aside.

Their meeting also gives us an opportunity to reflect on the role of women in psychedelic research, notably the frequently overlooked expertise of Valentina Pavlovna Wasson. She earned a PhD and had a broad knowledge in the field of mycology. Unfortunately, she was not present in the first encounter with María Sabina according to the available information. In her This Week magazine article in 1957, Valentina only briefly mentioned her husband’s encounter with a “shaman,” and her goal was to describe the mushrooms experience in a non-ceremonial context. Furthermore, due to Valentina’s premature death in 1958 is highly possible that these women never met.
It is essential to insist on historical reparations for Indigenous communities for the use of mushrooms.

Perhaps above all, their meeting exhibits an asymmetry of power between the former J.P. Morgan vice-president banker and an Indigenous woman. Although she surpassed him in wisdom, she did not have the same recognition during his lifetime. While Wasson obtained recognition, prestige, and worldwide fame for “discovering” the sacred mushroom, María Sabina lived with the stigma of “revealing” their secrets to an outsider. There was such anger towards her in her community; some unknown people burned her house; a drunk man murdered her son. Years later, in 1985, she died in impoverished conditions, which did not reflect her contributions to the knowledge of psychedelic plants. That is why it is essential to insist on “historical reparations” for the expropriation of mushrooms from Indigenous communities, as Mazatec researcher Osiris García Cerqueda has proposed.

Recognizing the “colonial traces” in the psychedelic renaissance is essential to reflect on these persistent ethical issues, which should not be forgotten or left aside. Confronting these historical legacies is necessary to reverse the undesirable effects of discrimination, cultural appropriation, and lack of recognition.

It is no exaggeration to say that from the perspective of Indigenous peoples, psychedelic research on the therapeutic properties of psilocybin, and the development of related pharmaceuticals have a history linked to extractivism, cultural appropriation, bio-piracy, and colonization.

Let this small text serve as a tribute and recognition of the wise women of all of Mexico’s Indigenous peoples.

 
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What the caves are trying to tell us

Whatever they once said to their authors, they scream their message of no message across the millennia to us now.

by Sam Kriss | The Outline

Every so often, I get the urge to drag someone into a cave, and show them something unspeakable.

The urge grabs me suddenly — in the middle of a conversation, for instance, when someone airily remarks that humans are just naturally competitive, or starts talking about social dynamics in terms of mate selection and maximum utility, or sometimes when they just say that words have meanings. I feel it when I read about diets or workouts that are supposed to replicate the diets and experiences of healthy peak-performance prehistoric humanity. I felt it most of all a few weeks ago, reading a blithe little jab in the now-infamous Google memo, in which the subsequently fired engineer James Damore remarks of the gender differences that apparently make women unable to properly use the computer that “they’re exactly what we would predict from an evolutionary psychology perspective.” To the cave, take him to the cave. Grab Damore by the scruff of his awful crew-neck white T-shirt, pull his twitching dangling body up the scrub and rocks of some remote hillside, and into the cave.

Plenty of caves would do, but let’s take him to the Cueva de la Pileta in Andalucia, Spain. There, we’ll push him into one of its huge, damp, cool cathedral-halls of fractured rock, where the darkness and the vastness of empty space seem to press themselves tightly against your skin, close and clawed and ancient. We know that there were people here, some 20,000 years ago. They left their millstones and their axe-heads; they left walls blackened with soot from fires that went out eons ago, leaving traces across a chasm of time that could swallow up the entirety of recorded history four times over. They left the bodies of their dead. And they left marks on the walls. The people who lived in this cave 20,000 years ago, people who lived lives it’s impossible for us to even imagine, are still trying to talk to us.

Most people are aware of the fantastic animal paintings that our stone age ancestors made — the herds of flowing bison, the horses that rear up in shimmering patterns across slabs of solid rock, the creatures overlapping each other in fluid cacophonies without ground lines or settings until they look less like representations of objects within our world and more like the snorting stinking chaos of the infinite. The Cueva de la Pileta has plenty of these; it’s noted for its masterly depiction of a large, snub-nosed, angry-looking fish. But I want to draw my prisoner’s attention to something else. Surrounding the fish, overlapping it at points, are patterns. These patterns, and ones like them, recur across the cave, and they’re echoed in other caves across Europe and across the world. Lines, curves, hashes, boxes. More complex pectiform shapes, combs with one extended tooth, branching combs that can start to look like Chinese characters or even human shapes, oscillating in the dark somewhere between abstraction and image.

Is this writing? Is it language? Clearly it has to mean or do something; these enigmas must have been put there for some kind of a reason. Were our ancestors just playing, with a child’s hesitancy, at the perilous game of turning bits of pigment into an abstract form beyond space and time? Or had they, long before we realized, found a way to make dead objects speak? This is what I’ll ask James Damore, pressing his face into the cold rock, shouting with an increased frenzy that echoes shrilly in the sacred dome, spittle flying in mad rage as I scream. You think you’re smart, do you? Then what does this mean?

Somehow, without anyone intending it to, the idea that we do know what these cave symbols mean has permeated modern society. It’s there in a whole vast complex of normative judgments: when we talk about the diets and lifestyles that are natural and good, when we complain that mobile phones and social media are perilously rewiring our brains, when we vaguely condemn technology in general for drawing us away from our original (and implicitly Paleolithic) human nature, when we mention human nature at all. It’s the idea that we can meaningfully relate our world to that of our Stone Age ancestors, as if we knew anything whatsoever about what kind of world they lived in. This is an incredible violence against that lost universe, a place grander and stranger than we could possibly imagine. But most violent of all is the discipline Damore off-handedly mentioned in his sexist Google screed, evolutionary psychology.

“Evopsych,” as it’s referred to, is no longer particularly popular in the fields of biology or psychology, but as the Google memo shows, it still has an instinctive zombielike following among the kind of people it was always destined for: engineers, software developers, unthinkingly reactionary science-fetishists, tech pedants of every stripe — people, in other words, who would never think to worship a picture of a horse or wonder what made people draw strange figures on the holy rock. It’s easy to see why. Evopsych combines every unscientific pop-science trope that makes people feel smart for believing in bullshit: a fetishism of geneticism and evolutionary processes, a refusal of diachronicity, and a dogmatic insistence on the cosmological principle that blankets the universe and its past in crushing sameness.

It works like this. You start with a vague stereotype about the failings of other people that you’d like to lend some scientific heft — to take Damore’s example, the idea that “women generally have a stronger interest in people rather than things, relative to men.” You note that this behaviour is not particularly useful in an environment where just about everybody has to feign interest in some kind of tedious nonsense just so they can feed themselves; it’s not, in evolutionary parlance, an adaptive trait. But humans are no longer biologically evolving; if people are behaving in this way, it must be because these traits evolved to be advantageous in what’s called the “Environment of Evolutionary Adaptedness:” an assumed, theoretical environment of pure biological utility which is supposed to have existed in the Pleistocene, the hunter-gatherer era stretching from two and a half million years ago to just ten thousand years short of the present, the age that produced those strange markings in the caves of Europe. This environment, it’s assumed, was exactly the same for everyone, and those primitive plains still haunt our perceptions today. If women aren’t making as much money programming Google gadgets to collect data on every aspect of our lives, it must be because evolution once gave men the skills needed to throw a stick at a reindeer, while women were stuck with the traits for childrearing and patience.

In scientific terms, this is bullshit. None of its accounts are testable or disprovable; evopsych is, for all its pretensions to rationality, a collection of just-so stories. The evolutionary psychologist never does much to empirically establish what life in the Pleistocene was actually like (the founding text of the discipline, Donald Symons’ 1979 book The Evolution of Human Sexuality, mostly just cites research on behavior in present-day male and female homosexuals). You just assume that everything there is utterly transparent and immediately surrenders its inner meaning. Eventually, we’ll end up with an evolutionary-psychological account of why some people don’t like evolutionary psychology, based on the advantages proto-constructivist ideologies might have offered a sniffing half-ape fifty thousand years ago. Why is pink associated with girls and blue with boys? Ignore the fact that as recently as the 1920s the gender-color identification went the other way around; it’s because women evolved to spot pink-colored berries in the forest, and men evolved to hunt between the open plain and the wide blue sky. Why is there still a gender wage gap? It’s not the fault of our own society; it’s the fault of the Stone Age. Like Freudianism, it accounts for the problems of the present by locating their origin in the voiceless past: prehistory for evopsych, the tiny personal Pleistocenes of infancy for psychoanalysis. But unlike Freudianism, the narratives of evolutionary psychology are utterly lifeless and entirely tedious, with absolutely nothing to teach us.

What emerges is a bizarre and etiolated vision of prehistory, in which Paleolithic men and women behave like bourgeois 1950s Americans — the caveman bringing home the woolly-mammoth bacon, the cavewoman cleaning out the fire pit. Honey, I got a promotion at the flint-knapping factory. Sonny-boy wants to study shamanism at Lascaux University, but I think he should get real and major in lithic reduction. Our daughter slaps too much charcoal pigment on her eyes, we don’t want her to give those local cave-teens the wrong idea.

The values of contemporary capitalism are drawn out into a suffocating eternity: it was always like this, and it always will be; the Flintstones and the Jetsons were, after all, basically the same people. But meanwhile those strange shapes and patterns on the cave walls still glimmer, beckoning us in — if we knew how to understand them — to a world impossibly different to our own.

What did prehistoric art mean? What world did it come from? Theorists and academics have mostly given up on the practice of interpreting cave paintings; most are now resigned to the fact that we’ll simply never know. They prefer to answer the easier questions of when and how our ancestors produced these tableaux of moving animals, rather than why.

But the why is seductive; for decades, accounts have been as numberless as the animals themselves. The early hypothesis of the nineteenth century, that these animal pictures were just mindless decoration, an instinctive mimesis of the natural world, or ‘art for art’s sake,’ has been abandoned. After all, it’s only very recently, and mostly in the context of commodity capitalism, that people have ever thought that you can make decorations with no meaning beyond the blank and monstrous idea that they look nice. After all, what constitutes “nice?” In the middle of the 20th century there was a brief explosion in structuralist explanations — the archaeologist André Leroi-Gourhan, for instance, suggested in 1968 that bison represented a feminine nature and horses a masculine one, and that their arrangement in cave systems formed a map of prehistoric gender relations adhering to a universal blueprint. As more caves were discovered, it quickly became clear that they did not.

One fascinating but (sadly) probably false theory, a schema out of a Borges story put forward by the “jurist, sailor and archaeologist autodidact” Hans Bornefeld in 1994, suggests that the paintings might themselves be a phonetic writing system. Based on fairly speculative paleolinguistics, he reconstructs the stone-age names for horses and bison as “uma” and “to,” respectively. (The word for a horse is an “uma” in Japanese, a “mo-rin” in Mongolian, a “ma-ra’ in Old German, and so on.) Assuming a consonant-based language, an image of two overlapping animals could, depending on their placement, read “timi,” “tema,” “tamo,” “tama,” or “tuma.” Using his method, Bornefeld managed to translate an entire wall from the Lascaux cave complex, a stampede of horses, bison, and deer, as “The sun will eclipse soon unless you sacrifice the prince consort to the goddess of the moon.”

Within the mainstream, many theorists quietly assume that the caves served some kind of religious or proto-religious function. Their location deep in the bowels of the earth might have brought to mind some connection with a shamanic underworld or spirit realm where the animal-gods move in eternal masses. Some elements of French cave paintings — a rhino’s echoing horn, a bison with eight galloping legs — suggest that under flickering firelight and quite possibly hallucinogenic drugs, these images would have appeared to move on the walls, or even speak. On the other hand, they might have been a form of hunting-magic. Sometimes animals are shown wounded or bristling with spears; these gods were also food. There’s a powerful magic in representation, the gift of creating the world in simulation, the ability to turn charcoal and ochre into something that is also a real horse: might it have had an effect on the horse itself? If you draw horses, do horses appear? The horse can not represent itself in images — but then neither, for a long time, could humans. There are very few depictions of human beings in cave art. Those that do appear are either depicted with animal heads — as the philosopher and anthropologist Georges Bataille observed in 1955, the first human announcing himself to eternity “effaced the aspects of the world of which his face is the sign” — or as scrawny stick-figures, far less human than those charging, screaming, startlingly real animals.

But we can’t know if the caves were themselves particularly sacred spaces. It’s possible that Paleolithic rock art was concentrated entirely in caves, but it might also be true that caves, sheltered from the outside world, are simply where these images survived. It could be that the people of the Pleistocene made their entire world into a gallery, that animals charged across every rock-face, that wherever the tremendous herds of Ice Age beasts roamed, they were surrounded on all sides by echoes and images of themselves, in a world where image and object had not yet torn themselves apart.

Most philosophical approaches, unavoidably, end up falling into a consideration not of what prehistoric art meant when it was created, but what it must now mean for us, gazing at it from far in the future. There’s a general inability to see these works as anything other than an origin, an incomplete form of what would eventually reach maturity with contemporary society; it can sound eerily like some of the same pathologies that give us evopsych. Hegel never lived to see the discovery of European cave paintings, but their existence can be quite easily incorporated into the argument of his Aesthetics. The Oxford philosopher Michael Inwood, in his introduction to the book, does just that. With art, humanity enters the realm of ideals and universals: the cave painter “does not attempt to chase or eat the bison he has made, but contemplates it and offers it for the contemplation of others… As an artist, he is not concerned with this or that particular bison, but with the bison in general or the bison as a universal.”

But for Hegel, art is only an inaugural stage: to progress, you have to get past the bison in general and start thinking about generality in general; you have to graduate from art and become a philosopher. Bataille, writing after the 1940 discovery of the cave complex at Lascaux, writes that “the earliest prehistoric art surely marks the passage from animal to man.” Not just that: they’re a dramatisation of that passage, the first crisis of a humanity newly separated from the natural world. In his 1964 essay Eye and Mind, the phenomenologist Maurice Merleau-Ponty describes them as an “inarticulate cry.” More recently, the mathematician and ontologist Alain Badiou strikes a Hegelian tone in his 2006 Logics of Worlds: the first person to paint an image of a horse inaugurated the idea of Horseness, the same ideas with which we think today — they “initiated what abides, or what we abide within.”
With art, humanity enters the realm of ideals and universals.

But did the creators of these paintings know that they were at the beginning of something? The Paleolithic era was long, 200,000-odd years encompassing nine-tenths of the history of our species; for even longer than that, all of humanity lived in the stone age. In some European caves, stylistically identical animals appear next to each other, drawn five thousand years apart. But it must also have been rich. There are only a few ways to live in a society based on commodity-production and the state; there are infinite ways to live outside it. (See, for instance, contemporary so-called “primitive” societies, with their extraordinary diversity of approaches to myth, magic, kinship, life, and art.) Cave art could have any number of meanings and uses, all of them invisible to us as we scrabble through the dirt for a unifying explanation. This world wasn’t in its infancy; it was already complete. Why would those paintings speak to us, in the way that they might have spoken to the prehistoric shamans? We’re only a historical excrescence, a brief wave foaming on the surface of that fathomless ocean of time. Looking at cave paintings, we can’t decode their significances, only feel the gulf between history and prehistory opening up somewhere deep in the belly. But those other symbols — the lines and hashes; the glyphs, pectiform, tectiform, scalariform, aviform — are different. We’re not just offloading all our societal detritus onto the distant past: it has a voice. These might be communications, messages for someone who does not yet know. Messages, in other words, destined for us.

Academic archaeologists, who have reputations to protect, try to avoid using what the University of Victoria’s April Nowell — a leading researcher in prehistoric symbols — has called “the ‘L’ and ‘W’ words,” language and writing. Cranks and prophets, online and off, have their own economies to subsist within, and use them freely: yes this is language, yes this is writing, tens of thousands of years before it was supposed to have been invented in Mesopotamia. Specialists will note that patterns of symbols are often repeated; they’ll use linguistic analysis software to process their frequencies and concatenations. Others point out that the same repertoire of geometric shapes found in European caves appears across the world, in the petroglyphs of the Western U.S., in the Blombos Cave of South Africa and the Leang Timpuseng Cave of Indonesia, in the markings of the distant ancestors of the Australian Aborigines — and, often, in places that had no writing at all when they made contact with European and Asian civilizations, thousands of years later. The birth of writing is always associated with magic, gods, and spirits: maybe the shamanism of the Paleolithic really worked; maybe these symbols were part of a global communications system that used the eternity of abstraction and the immortality of animal souls to bring all of humanity together, whispering across the underworld in a stone-age cybernetics.

It might be something else. There will be no Rosetta stone for these markings; we’ll never get to read the same text in ordinary language. What they mean might not be expressible in language at all. They might, however, still be writing. In a brilliant, haunting, baffling passage from Writing and Difference, Derrida considers whether something like writing might inhere in dreams. Dreams come full of mysterious symbols to be decoded and interpreted; images that seem to emerge from a lost and buried world. The experience of dreaming is that of encountering an unknown and unknowable text. The ancient Egyptians, he notes, believed that God “had made man a gift of writing just as He inspired dreams. Interpreters, like dreams themselves, then only had to draw on the curiological or tropological storehouse… The hieroglyphic code itself served as a Traumbuch [encyclopedia of dream-interpretation].” But, as Freud argued, dreams resist any system of fixed cryptographic analysis. If language is a common system of understanding, they are not language.

For Derrida writing is the act of leaving tracks and traces, rather than something that necessarily mimics speech; cutting a path through the woods is a kind of writing, as are signals cracking their way through the brain. Dreams offer a glimpse of this kind of writing, one Derrida describes in one of his most poetic and mysterious sentences. “Not a writing which simply transcribes, a stony echo of muted words, but a lithography before words: metaphonetic, non-linguistic, alogical.” Paleolithic symbols are the same. A lithography before words: something painted in marks on the stone, something that communicates not one or another specific meaning, but the ultimate irrelevancy of meaning itself. Whatever they once said to their authors, they scream their message of no message across the millennia to us now. I am not a word. I am not to be understood. And this world is full of things which are not to be understood, if only you knew how to read them.

 
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The Mazatec of southern Mexico have used psilocybin and sativa for for generations.

How the Mazatec Tribe brought entheogens to the world

by Wesley Thoricatha Psychedelic Times

The Mazatec people are an indigenous tribe that hails from the mountains of Oaxaca, Mexico, best known for their syncretic form of Christianity and indigenous shamanism. In their most sacred rituals, the Mazatec use powerful visionary plants like psilocybin mushrooms and salvia divinorum to commune with spirits, divine information, heal ailments, and have a direct experience with the divine. When Westerners were allowed to participate in these rituals in the early 1950s, it opened a psychedelic Pandora’s box, introducing psilocybin and salvia to the modern world, influencing major players in the psychedelic revolution, and forever changing the landscape of modern man’s relationship to psychedelics.

Seeking the magic mushroom in Mexico

While history suggests that psilocybin was used by cultures dating back thousands of years, the modern world first learned about psilocybin mushrooms thanks to two Americans who traveled to Mexico in the 1950s. Gordon Wasson and Allan Richardson, a banker and a society photographer from New York, first traveled to Oaxaca, Mexico, in June of 1955 in search of a divine mushroom. There they met Maria Sabina, a Mazatec shaman, or curandera, who shared the psilocybin mushroom with them. Thanks to Sabina’s open spirit, Wasson and Richardson became some of the first Westerners to participate in the sacred Mazatec ritual called the velada.

Wasson’s account of their profound experience was published in Life magazine in 1957 in a piece titled “Seeking the Magic Mushroom,” and allegedly went on to inspire Timothy Leary and countless others to seek out the psilocybin mushroom in Mexico. The popularity of the article led to a deluge of hippies, tourists, and celebrities traveling to the Mazatec city of Huautla de Jimenez.

Maria Sabina became both a hero and an outcast for her role in sharing a guarded Mazatec tradition with outsiders. Within her own community, Sabina was seen as a traitor; vandals burned her hut down, forcing her to move to the outskirts of town. To the rest of the world, Sabina became an unlikely celebrity, and to this day she is seen as an outsider hero throughout much of Mexico as a symbol for the value of indigenous ways and psychedelic experiences.

Wasson maintained friendly relationships with Sabina despite the fallout from his article. He returned to Oaxaca in the 1960s with Albert Hofmann, the Swiss scientist famed for being the first person to synthesize and ingest LSD and the first person to isolate and synthesize psilocybin. With Maria’s help, they were allowed to take part in a ceremony with salvia divinorum. Afterwards they procured full plant specimens for botanical and chemical study, introducing yet another major psychoactive plant to the west.

Wasson also offered Sabina synthetic psilocybin pills on this visit. After journeying with them, Sabina commented that the pills had the same spirit as the mushrooms themselves, verifying the travelers’ hopes that synthesized psilocybin — which is much better suited for research and therapy — could have all the benefits and effects as the mushroom itself.

Pandora’s box

The introduction of psilocybin and salvia to people outside the Mazatec culture was both revelatory and controversial. The Mazatec faced an unwanted tide of attention from the outside world: some of their most sacred rituals and plants were defiled by outsiders who did not see their visionary plants in the same reverential context as they did. We cannot deny the long-reaching consequences of these discoveries. But equally, we cannot discount the countless people across the world have had meaningful experiences with these plants, nor the scientific research that shows their great promise in treating end-of-life anxiety, easing obsessive compulsive disorder, ending tobacco addiction, treating depression, and reducing inmate recidivism. For better or for the worse, once the genie is out of the bottle, it can never go back. In the spirit of preserving their legacy, let us remember to appreciate the invaluable gifts that the Mazatec people have contributed to psychedelic understanding, and continue to emphasize the responsible and science-backed use of these Mazatec sacraments for healing as they were originally intended.

 
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Traditional & medicinal use of peyote in North America

by Oscar Matzuwa | EntheoNation

Oscar Matzuwa is an expert on the Wixarika (Huichol) people of North America, and how they use peyote for its medicinal and entheogenic properties. Here he shares some of his wisdom…

Oscar Matzuwa was taught spirituality as a child, and he remembers a vision of the heart of mother earth, and seeing all beings connected by roots to this heart. This left him with a feeling of purpose; a calling to explore spirituality more deeply in his life. He started connecting with different tribes of the Americas, and gained permission from various elders to serve medicine. Here, he shares with us his experiences of the Wixarika (Huichol) people – see the full interview below.

Peyote, the sacred medicine of the Wixarika people, requires five years of service (assisting in ceremonies) before you can ask for permission to serve. Oscar describes this process, involving many years of learning from the plant; developing a relationship with peyote and the land in which it lives.

Oscar describes his own unique style of ceremony: combining the knowledge of three different major indigenous lines of people who use peyote. He explains that his dream is to unify these three lineages, connecting the wisdoms of different elders. After all, they all come from the same root!

The traditional medicinal uses of peyote are extensive: muscle pain, warts, bites, infections, fever, depression, anxiety, addiction, migraine… these are just some of its applications. Oscar suggests that compared to the potential benefits, the risks are minor – although there is always the danger of a negative psychological experience, which can be mitigated by a good facilitator.

Finding a good facilitator can be a challenge, especially for people who are new to peyote. But Oscar highlights the most important things to know: how committed is your facilitator? Are they supported by a community of elders? Where did they study, and for how long?

Next, Oscar explores a little bit of the Wixarika cosmology for us: every year a particularly important peyote ritual is performed in a specific place – it takes a pilgrimage through many sacred points to get there, involving many days of preparation and travelling. The spirit of the deer is invoked during this ritual – the deer is the protector of the peyote medicine, and this spirit asks for commitment above all else.

Finally, Oscar gives us his perspective on the evolution of peyote traditions. He describes how every group will say that their way is the original way. But new traditions are constantly being invented, just like our current traditions were invented in the past. Traditions are dynamic and can change every day. It’s more in the spirit of the medicine for things to be always changing.

Oscar Matzuwa was born in Ahome – Sinaloa, Mexico, home of the Yoreme culture, which he descends from on his mother’s side. He grew up partaking in spiritual rituals, ceremonies and sacred dance. Since an early age, he was interested in learning about indigenous cultures and their spirituality around the world. This led him to study anthropology in the National School of Anthropology and History in Mexico City, where he met different indigenous leaders who became his teachers, and together, they organized sweat lodges and sacred ceremonies in Cuicuilco pyramids, an ancient site part of the university grounds. At present, Oscar is the director of a cultural association in Barcelona called Roots of the Heart of the Earth, dedicated to bridging knowledge of indigenous cultures and organizing events where elders can meet and share their wisdom.

*From the article here :
 
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Archaeologists identify contents of ancient Mayan drug containers

by Paul Ratner | BIG THINK | 18 Jan 2021

Scientists use new methods to discover what's inside drug containers used by ancient Mayan people.
  • Archaeologists used new methods to identify contents of Mayan drug containers.​
  • They were able to discover a non-tobacco plant that was mixed in by the smoking Mayans.​
  • The approach promises to open up new frontiers in the knowledge of substances ancient people consumed.​
Ancient Mayans have been a continuing source of inspiration for their monuments, knowledge, and mysterious demise. Now a new study discovers some of the drugs they used. For the first time, scientists found remnants of a non-tobacco plant in Mayan drug containers. They believe their analysis methods can allow them exciting new ways of investigating the different types of psychoactive and non-psychoactive plants used by the Maya and other pre-Colombian societies.

The research was carried out by a team from Washington State University, led by anthropology postdoc Mario Zimmermann. They spotted residue of the Mexican marigold (Tagetes lucida) in 14 tiny ceramic vessels that were buried over a 1,000 years ago on Mexico's Yucatan peninsula. The containers also exhibited chemical traces of two types of tobacco: Nicotiana tabacum and N. rustica. Scientists think the marigold was mixed in with the tobacco to make the experience more pleasant.
"While it has been established that tobacco was commonly used throughout the Americas before and after contact, evidence of other plants used for medicinal or religious purposes has remained largely unexplored," said Zimmermann. "The analysis methods developed in collaboration between the Department of Anthropology and the Institute of Biological Chemistry give us the ability to investigate drug use in the ancient world like never before."
The scientists used a new method based on metabolomics that is able to pinpoint thousands of plant compounds, or metabolites, in residue of archaeological artifacts like containers and pipes. This allows the researchers to figure out which specific plants were utilized. The way plant residue was identified before employed looking for specific biomarkers from nicotine, caffeine, and other such substances. That approach would not be able to spot what else was consumed outside of what biomarker was found. The new way gives much more information, showing the researchers a fuller picture of what the ancient people ingested.

The containers in the study were found by Zimmerman and a team of archaeologists in 2012.

"When you find something really interesting like an intact container it gives you a sense of joy," shared Zimmermann. "Normally, you are lucky if you find a jade bead. There are literally tons of pottery sherds but complete vessels are scarce and offer a lot of interesting research potential."

The researchers are negotiating with various Mexican institutions to be able to study more ancient containers for plant residues. They also aim to look at organic materials possibly preserved in the dental plaque of ancient remains.

Check out the study published in Scientific Reports.

 
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Giving Back to our Indigenous Predecessors in the Psychedelic Movement*

by Swati Sharma | PSYCHEDELIC SPOTLIGHT | 11 Oct 2021

We owe so much of our understanding of these compounds to Indigenous peoples, and the widespread bioprospecting projects taking place today would not be prevalent without the inherent harm placed on local groups historically.​

As efforts to place psychedelics at the forefront of psychological treatment continue, the race to solidify exotic patents on entheogenic compounds and expand facility infrastructure is on. But an essential piece of the psychedelic puzzle seems to be missing—namely, honoring and involving Indigenous members who have used entheogenic medicine as an integral part of their sacred and cultural traditions for thousands of years before any of us.

Major companies in the field have come under scrutiny due to their attempts to gain market monopolies on these novel therapies and the substances necessary to facilitate a patient’s life-altering experience. Although prospects are promising as the FDA continues to acknowledge scientific advancements in the field, a critical point is quickly being reached in our approach to respecting and honoring Indigenous members and their sacred medicines.

As cultural anthropologist Evgenia Fotiou states in her paper, The role of Indigenous knowledges in psychedelic science, “We can either continue ‘business as usual’ and perpetuate the hegemony of Western science over other ways of knowing, or we can step back and re-evaluate this framework.” Thanks to organizations such as Chacruna Institute for Psychedelic Plant Medicines, this conversation has come to the foreground as a critical piece to consider when building a just, equitable, and conscious future within the psychedelic movement.

In most parts of the world, Indigenous peoples have and are currently facing a substantial amount of oppression and threats against their natural environments, language, cultural heritage, and ability to thrive on our planet. Here, the use of psychedelic medicines primarily by North American psychonauts has further compromised Indigenous traditions and has placed several of these groups at risk. Some examples of this include the desacralization of the Mazatec’s “magic mushrooms”, or the threat to the Native American Church’s sacramental use of the endangered peyote plant as a result of spiritual tourism.

Western-centric individualistic thinking can come with a sense of inherent entitlement over “the other,” and here, we see this example clearly by excluding Indigenous world views and peoples while appropriating their most sacred cultural traditions.​

The Power of Consent

So the question is: Why are so few companies placing the importance of sacred reciprocity, or the concept of mutually giving back in gratitude to those whom we have taken so much from, at the forefront of their initiatives?

We owe so much of our understanding of these compounds to Indigenous members, and the widespread bioprospecting projects taking place today would not be prevalent without the inherent harm placed on local groups historically.

Many are familiar with the story of Harvard researcher Gordon Wasson visiting Mexico in the 1950s and experiencing psilocybin for the first time with Mazatec curandera María Sabina, popularizing their use in the West after publishing his experiences and her photos in Life magazine without her consent. This negligence cost Sabina her life, as her community ostracized her due to her betrayal, she was temporarily jailed, and her home was set on fire.

The importance of rehearsing this story highlights how the brief history of psychedelic science is in itself coated in colonialism. The simple act of gathering informed consent before investigating these substances is a small step in the right direction of prioritizing traditional groups. After all, advancements using Indigenous traditions should technically be protected by agreements proposed by the United Nations, such as the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety and the Nagoya Protocol on Access to Genetic Resources. Both measures imply that traditional knowledge is not subject to open access or an unregulated market.

Despite these efforts, raids and extractions continue to happen on Mazatec land by mycologists, biologists, and scientists, with unclear measures of permission granted to enter these communities. Community protocols negotiated among local groups could be the way forward to resolving this issue, but how exactly this will be best achieved will need to continue to be explored.​

Western vs. Indigenous Ways of Knowing

It’s essential to consider the fundamentally different ways that our communities and cultures consider the concept of healing overall.

The Western scientific model often deems itself as the gold standard of acquiring empirical knowledge that leaves little room for the intangible.
In his book Indigenous Healing Psychology: Honoring the Wisdom of the First Peoples, Richard Katz, Ph.D. writes mainstream science and psychology could have been considered “an instrument and institution of colonialism,” perpetuating a predominantly white, institutionalized view of investigative knowledge.

We’ve even found a method of successfully reducing the mystical experience to a simple evaluation to make sense of it within our systems, while alternative and traditional perspectives are reduced to hearsay and wives’ tales. This attempt to impose Western ways of knowing onto traditional societies in itself can contribute to the erasure of Indigenous practices, such as shamanism.

In her discussion Honoring the Indigenous Roots of the Psychedelic Movement, Executive Director of Chacruna Institute Bia Labate states: “We should question the privileged position of science, take Indigenous knowledge equally seriously, and stop considering it ‘symbolic’ or ‘subjective’ versus the ‘objective’ and ‘factual’ science.”

Indigenous peoples believe that healing is an interrelated experience that happens within a community rather than an independent activity for self-progression. “Healing is a part of a larger holistic perspective that includes relationships between people, and between people, nature and the cosmos,” Labate says. “Plants can’t be reduced to a property—because they have spirits, they are alive. We can’t just reproduce, appropriate, or imitate a set of techniques that comes from Indigenous peoples.”

This emphasis on the relational nature of healing within Indigenous groups may provide some framework for implementing reciprocity in the future. But are psychedelic medicine companies willing to put forward the time, effort, and resources to coincide with these necessary efforts in return?​

Reciprocity for an Integrated Future

Today, the inevitability of the psychedelic movement quickly growing to scale is a given. Therefore, it is crucial that providing a voice to those traditionally neglected from the conversation regarding their ancient traditions is welcomed and prioritized.

Taking the time to consider what reciprocity means throughout the exchange with emerging companies is necessary. What exactly does moving from an independent to an interdependent model look like for a large scale biotech company? Who will be the key players involved, what are their roles, and how can communication between different parties be facilitated in a way that honors each position?

The irony of Indigenous groups providing feedback regarding their medicinal and healing rituals for the sake of scientific advancement is salient. But, re-examining this dichotomous relationship and how science can receive valuable wisdom from Indigenous traditions to enhance its models is purposeful. At a minimum, corporations should be putting forth initiatives to assist in the development and sustainability of Indigenous communities, striving towards reciprocity.

Organizations such as Chacruna are making this effort accessible with the launch of their Indigenous Reciprocity Initiative of the Americas. This online resource will allow people to connect and donate to nonprofits and local community groups worldwide. They emphasize a shift in focus to longer-term sustainability and relationship-building efforts to engage in sacred reciprocity successfully. How exactly these efforts will materialize over the years as this movement continues to expand will adapt as time goes on.

For now, we are obligated to start the work individually to successfully move towards a more conscious and interdependent industry. Educating one another about the broader impacts of psychedelic use, holding companies accountable to give back where they can, and fostering gratitude towards Indigenous members for their deep knowledge of these medicines is a great place to start for a psychedelic future focused on sacred reciprocity.​

*From the article here :
 

Psychedelic Timeline


A detailed journey through psychedelic events in human history, over 7000 years in the making. Created and curated by Tom Frame, MFT.

~5000 BCE​


Frescos of mushroom-holding shamans were depicted in caves on the Tassili plateau of Southeastern Algeria.

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~4000 BCE​


In a cave near the town of Villar del Humo in Spain, the Selva Pascuala mural depicts what appear to be psilocybin mushrooms. These paintings provide the earliest evidence of the use of psychedelic mushrooms in Europe.

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~ 3700 BCE​


Native Americans in the Rio Grande area collected peyote buttons and manufactured peyote effigy sculptures which were found in the Shumla Caves.

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~3000 BCE – 2500 BCE​


Matacao Indian shamans used cebil (Anadenanthera colubrine) in northwest Argentina.

~ 2000 BCE​


Ergot may have been used to make the potion called kykeon, used in the Eleusinian Mysteries.

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~1500 BCE​


Archaeological “mushroom stones” indicate that a sophisticated mushroom cult existed in Guatemala.

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~1500 BCE - 1200 BCE​


The Indian Rig Veda described the use of the psychedelic drink called Soma.

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~1300 BCE​


A Chavín stone carving from a temple in northern Peru showed the principal deity holding a San Pedro cactus.

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~1000 BCE​


Near the eastern bank of the Pegtymel River in Siberia, petroglyphs depicting anthropomorphic figures with mushrooms attached to their heads indicate that Amanita muscaria was used by the Chukotka people.

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1000 BCE​


Statues in Mexico depicted Psilocybe mexicana with god-like figures emerging from it, indicating religious use.

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Peyote was used ceremonially by indigenous cultures in Texas and Mexico.

500​


A mural from Teotihuacán, Mexico, depicted a Mother Goddess with her priests and a vine of ololiuqui (Turbina corymbosa).

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Late 8th century​


A burial site in Northern Chile included a bag with snuffing paraphernalia and snuff remnants containing DMT and 5-MeO-DMT.

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1496​


Friar Ramon Pane documented the use of a psychoactive snuff called cohoba/yopo among the Taino who inhabited the island of Hispaniola Haiti/Dominican Republic. Cohoba/yopo is made from Anadenanthera peregrina, which contains DMT and 5-MeO-DMT.

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1560​


Spanish priest Bernardino de Sahagún wrote in his Florentine Codex about the use of peyote and teonanacatl mushrooms by the Aztecs.

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1570 – 1575​


Franciso Hernández carried out investigations in Mexico and recorded the preparation and use of ololiuqui by the Aztecs.

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1591​


Juan de Cardenas described peyote use in the Indies. This is the oldest published account of peyote use.

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Early 16th century​


The statue of Xochipilli, Aztec Prince of Flowers, was discovered on the slopes of volcano Mount Popocatepetl. Glyphs depicted a tendril of morning glory, flower of morning glory, a bud of sinicuiche (Heimia salicifolia), and caps of Psilocybe aztecorum.

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1658​


The first illustration of ergot was drawn by Swiss botanist Bauhin’s son.

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A Polish prisoner of war described the Ob-Ugrian Ostyak culture from western Siberia. “They eat certain fungi in the shape of fly agarics, and thus they become drunk worse than on vodka, and for them, that’s the very best banquet.”

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1783​


The fly agaric gains its modern name Amanita muscaria when it is moved to the genus Amanita by Jean-Baptiste Lamarck.

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1799: October 3rd​


In London, the first psychedelic mushroom experience was documented in a scholarly journal by Dr. Everard Brande. The mushrooms were determined to be Psilocybe semilanceata.

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1801​


Baron Alexander Humboldt identified the yopo tree as Anadenanthera peregrine.

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1847​


The first published image of peyote appeared in Curtis’s Botanical Magazine.

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1851​


While exploring the Amazon, English ethnobotanist Richard Spruce observed the Tukano Indians of the Rio Uapes in Brazil engaging in a visionary ritual involving drinking tea made from the ayahuasca vine. He drank a small amount of the tea. He named the vine Banisteria caapi and sent samples home for chemical analysis. This is the earliest known western record of the psychoactive effects of ayahuasca.


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1858

Geographer Manuel Villavicencio published his experiences drinking ayahuasca in Geografia de la Republica Del Ecuador. He described his experience of “flying” to marvelous places.

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1864​


Griffon du Bellay first reported the use of the iboga root as a stimulant and aphrodisiac in Gabon and the Congo.

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1867​


Iboga was promoted to the public at the Paris Exposition. Afterward, tonics based on the whole plant extract became extremely popular in France and Belgium.

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1880​


During a widespread shortage of wine in Italy, Dr. Batista Grassi wrote an enthusiastic paper recommending Amanita muscaria as an alternative.

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1884​


In Laredo, Texas, Anna Nickels sold peyote by mail-order. She was one of the first commercial suppliers and the only woman among them.

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1887​


Dried peyote buttons were distributed by Parke Davis & Co. Louis Lewin obtained them and began extracting, characterizing, and self-experimenting with them.

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1889​


The genus Tabernanthe was established and the botanical description of Tabernanthe iboga was made by Henri Baillon at the Museum National d’Histoire Naturelle in Paris.

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1893​


Quanah Parker, chief of the Comanche tribe, gave 50 pounds of dried peyote buttons to Smithsonian Institute archaeologist James Moody. Moody took the peyote to Washington where it was used in the first scientific trials, including self-experiments by neurologist Weir Mitchell and psychologist William James.

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1897: November 23rd​


Arthur Heffter demonstrated that mescaline is the main psychedelic component in peyote by consuming 150 mg of mescaline hydrochloride. This is the first psychedelic experience with a purified compound.

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