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Harm minimisation literature (request) and the future direction of Harm Minimisation

Tabernacle

Bluelighter
Joined
Jan 20, 2002
Messages
1,169
Howdy fellow informed peer group harm reduction members. I am just wondering about HM literature- i am researching the the topic for uni and have found a wealth of material dealing with the origins, assumptions and practices of harm reduction as an overarching philosophy of drug control. However, i thought that the BL knowledge base would be far superior to any uni database so i thought i would run it past you guys to see if you could recommend any relevant literature or links pertaining to the above. My thanks go to you!

Does anybody know where i could get hold of the recent report that argues against harm reduction strategies in favour of harm prevention? I am particularly interested in the future direction of the priniciple of harm minimisation. Does anybody notice that the leaps and bounds in harm minimisation made in the wake of the 198/1999 heroin epidemic starting to be eroded. Supervised heroin injecting rooms where promised, and yet remain undelivered, all the while harm prevention (which is almost synonymous with use reduction- the realm of anti-drug zealots and the Criminal Justice System IMHO) mechanisms such the drugs bus have superceeded harm reduction strategies funding. Is the scaling back of harm reduction in favour of harm prevention, just a stage in Howard's plan to get 'Tough on Drugs' and implement a US style policy of zero tolerance (a lot of good it is doing there 8) ). What do people think it will take for harm minimisation/reduction to regain it's place as the overriding paradigm of drug control? Do we need to have people turning blue and dying in the street for australians to realise that drug users are not the pathological threat to society that politicians and the media portray them to be, but are people's sons and daughters- none of whom should perish from drugs.
Thoughts would greatly be appreciated!
 
Harm Minimisation as opposed to zero tolerance is moving ahead in leaps and bounds, but as far as groups like Enlighten are concerned we are only interested in the Harm Reduction component of the HM ideology. Have a look on the Enlighten website and there is a link from there to a VAADA document where there is a strong feel that zero tolerance is not working, kids don’t just say no, and if they are going to do it we may as well educate them on what the positives and negatives are.

With the Liberal government in power and John Howard's outdated views on zero tolerance at the helm there is slower advancements than could be being made, but things are still moving forward. Enlighten has grown a great deal since its inception and I think its success is testament to the general attitude regarding drug use today. The argument against HM and HR is of course that if deaths/drug use is increasing, then is it a viable option? Zero tolerance is a waste of tax payers money and resources as drug users don’t listen to any message that is being conveyed, and that money could be better spent in education and telling the truth about drugs and their effects, both positives and negatives.
 
I wasn't going to post this without first being able to validate it in some way. Anyway, just over a week ago I met with a person doing a review of RS in qld for Q Health. He is in a position which requires being up to date on current trends and has had years working in the field. I found he was well informed on most user related topics.

In the course of our talk I mentioned how Bluelight had dropped the term Harm minimisation for Harm Reduction which was more appropriate since Harm Minimisation in essence aims for zero use and by definition also supports zero tolerance.

He responded by saying that Harm Reduction was not the term we should be using as Australian governments (Qld at least) were themselves in the process of replacing the term Harm minimisation with Harm Reduction as this definition (UN def. at least) is more supporting of a zero tolerance bottom line. He said policies are being written/ motioned now, in light of the recent UN report on Australia. Furthermore, the redefining of our national drug policy is in accordance with UN recommendations to install this clarification and new definition of Harm Reduction.

Now I thought this was a BIG concern if he was right. But I must say I had my doubts. You can't just redefine something can you? Or perhaps the UN can. So I also dug around Saturday for any evidence that this new term is being adopted in the above context. I could find nothing. Well I did find stuff, even recent responses to the UN report (as well as where they may have got their figures) but nothing which even remotely hints that they are moving away from supporting users with education etc. The UN has clarified the definition of HR, but it seems to be more inclusive of users rights and indicates law enforcement should continue to move away from targeting users.

So has anyone else heard anything of this? I'll be speaking to the guy again soon, so I'll ask if he can cite me something.
 
AIVL is currently in a discussion phase for a range of policy and position statements on 10 different topics, one of which is the question of Harm minimisation.
These are currently internal documents, so i can't release them, but they will be adopted (with any modifications) by our Annual General Meeting in November, at which point they will become public.
I'm curious about the UN definitions but I can say fairly decisively that that is not the way the terms are used here.
 
The federal government's rhetoric on harm reduction is always interesting. Howard is personally opposed to harm reduction, which is why his mate Brian Watters is the head of the ANCD and all the harm reduction supporters on the committee were shafted last year.

I think the one thing which has (so far) saved us from having harm reduction gutted in this country, is that we put in place an excellent HIV/AIDS policy in the 1980's. We've been supplying clean injecting equipment since then, giving plenty of time to see that it's been an absolute success, in any terms you want to measure it by.

Reports like The Return on Investment in Needle and Syringe Programs in Australia explain in Howard's language ($$$) how this particular harm reduction strategy has been a success, but he still doesn't agree with it?

Howard and Watters problem isn't that Needle and Syringe Programs (NSPs) don't reduce harm. There's is a moral position against accepting that drug use occurs in society. Some of the arguments they will roll out against harm reduction include: reducing harm "sends the wrong message" and encourages drug use (and the flip side - harsher penalties for drug users sends the "right" message), school based drug prevention works (so don't give money to HR people), and that abstinence is the only useful aim for any user of illict substance.

When Howard first came to power, he made statements to the effect of "abstinence = harm minimisation". In 1997 or 1998 there was quite a debate on about the boundaries of harm minimisation and what the term really meant.

The problems with defining harm minimisation were noted in this report (with a great reference list you should check out)
Single E & Rohl T (1997) The National Drug Strategy: Mapping the Future – an evaluation of the National Drug Strategy 1993-1997 Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy; Australian Government Publishing Services.

Download 370KB pdf here

There was a report written not long after this (and I'm buggered if I can find it) where a couple of professors basically re-wrote the definition of harm minimisation in Australia. That's how we came up wit the idea of the three-pronged approach to harm minimisation - supply reduction (customs, boarder control etc), demand reduction (school based drug "prevention", harsh penalties for drug users) and harm reduction (NSPs).

I'm actually surprised that Howard hasn't done more to attack harm reduction in Australia. He seems intent on not lettng harm reduction spread (eg heroin trials) but he hasn't really taken too many steps against what we already have in place. Maybe it's because the evidence that NSPs have worked is just too great?

I think it will take a change of government before there'll be a re-emphasis on harm reduction in Australia. Maybe a less conservative leader (to say the least) and re-appointing the harm reduction advocates who were kicked off the ANCD.

Oh yeah, and Brian Watters must go! if we want some progressive harm reduction in this country.

Check out (if you haven't already):
The National Drug Strategy Publications Page
&
ANCD Publications

:)
 
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I'm with Flexistentialist, fuck Brian Watters! The man is a Christo-fascist, as you'd expect from a 'Major' in the Salvation Army. 8)
Appointing him to the head of the ANCD was an act of lunacy, and to me at least, another one of the compelling reasons why John Howard must go down in the next election.
You should try and check out some of Brian Watters' statements if you want to see why the opposition to HR is a serious problem in this country. The man is opposed to the methadone and buprenorphine programs because he sees them as immoral, and we have him advising the government on drug policy!
A particular defeat for the HR paradigm was the banning of salvia divinorum, we are the only country in the world to ban this substance, and the reccomendation that was released suggestin the ban on the substance gave not one compelling argument for doing so. It shows that Judeo-Christian moralism still has a strong place in this country, science and logic playing second place to stupidity and ignorance even today in a supposedly progressive nation like ours. I have a real fear that if John Howard decides to specifically target drugs, we are all in trouble. Howard has shown his ability to use the population's ignorance and fear to his advantage. Come election time, maybe it will be drugs rather than refugees that will have our country in a mass psychosis, winning him precious votes.
 
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Here is a piece I wrote for the AIVL magazine Junkmail, KIssue # 4

Sleeps with the Fishes?: How do we smash the concrete shoes off harm reduction?

By Michael Arnold

That was then….
One of the central reasons for the eruption of the Australian drug users’ movement was the potential for HIV to destroy our community and the wonderful people within it. Drug users organised and rallied to achieve a range of specific services and responses – Needle Syringe Programs, medical services willing to work with drug users living with a blood borne virus, and in particular for the resources needed to carry out peer-based education within our own networks.
While the level of drug user organising and the success of their efforts varied from state to state, there can be little argument that the work of drug user activists and other supporters of harm reduction created programs and influenced attitudes in such a way that HIV transmission rates within the Australian users’ community were lower than virtually anywhere else in the world, and were the envy of many overseas public health officials.


This is now….
In six years of Howard government there have been no qualitative improvements in drug policy, and certainly not in the day-to-day lives of drug users. In fact, the Liberal government hide behind the great initial achievements of harm reduction, and behind the language. Official harm minimisation policy sanctions an ever-increasing assault on users lives, - supply reduction measures include blitzes that result in harassment, arrest, and in users being pushed away from services that have been developed for our benefit, major seizures contribute to the continuation of expensive, poor quality heroin. Supply reduction receives more than 80% of the total amount of Federal government spending on “harm minimisation”.
Further, drug users are bearing the brunt of the policies of austerity and removal of community services in related sectors: mutual obligation and breaching of those on welfare benefits, cuts to the National Dental Health Scheme, and difficulties accessing doctors who bulk-bill. Increasing intolerance, fostered by Fortress Australia policies, sees users from culturally diverse backgrounds wearing a dual burden of discrimination - racism and userphobia. Many of these users are self- medicating in response to intense grief, loneliness and social isolation, and even the memories of torture.
The recent budget will place even more pressure on many drug users. Symptomatic Hep C + users, those living with HIV illness, users in crisis and/or experiencing mental illness, are among those whose rights and living conditions will be targeted so that Fortress Australia can be funded. The prices of prescription medications are rising, and restrictions have been placed on the Disability Support Pension. The impact of stress on both physical and mental illnesses is well documented. The last thing our community members need is extra worry about whether their income is secure.

Smashing the concrete boots - Creating a second wave of drug user activism

Frustration is increasingly evident amongst current drug user activists. The heroin drought appears to have had a significant impact. Financial stresses have increased for many of us. The policy impasse drags on.
The question being posed by many drug user activists is whether or not the organisational and campaigning forms adopted by the drug users’ movement up until now are going to be sufficient to break this impasse.

Firstly, I do not believe that drug users’ groups committed a strategic error in accepting government funding. Australian users needed, and deserved, properly funded and resourced programs; seeing these programs created and implemented had to be the priority of the first wave of the drug users movement. There is no point in organisational autonomy and independence from government if our people are too sick to participate in our organisations and flex the political muscle afforded by independence. While in some areas we have been able to develop useful partnerships, sometimes users are best served by our organisations directly delivering programs.
The structures of those user groups currently in existence have been very successful in developing community networks, sharing knowledge and affecting behaviour change through peer education, and building confidence through providing avenues for users to have ideas and work published or distributed in other ways. Over a long period, through hard work and a demonstrated knowledge of the issues that affect our community, user group workers have managed to gain representation on any number of important committees and enquiries.
Our organisations must be able to continue to deliver peer education programs,

But in my opinion the current forms adopted by the majority of drug user organisations (DUO) will not be able to create the political conditions needed to break the current impasse.

One of the most critical issues for any mass movement is the ability to participate. Any drug user needs to be able to come along to one meeting, and to get involved straight away, volunteering as much or as little time as they are able, and feel inspired, to give. Committee of Management structures, and the simple demands on staff time, often mean that DUO’s do not have the capacity for people to just jump straight in. While efforts should definitely be made to reforming procedures and constitutions in an attempt to expand this capacity, we need other avenues for participation now.

A strong, independent drug user movement of direct action will not threaten the funding of our peer education organisations. In fact, it is the only thing can ensure that our organisations will always be truly safe from the whims of health ministers, and the prying eyes and vicious campaigns of the corporate media. When the Herald Sun spoke out against VIVAIDS and Whack magazine last year, the approach adopted in order to ensure ongoing funding and the existence of the mag, was to essentially fly under the radar, with only a limited media response, and hope it went away, which it did. Next time it may not. How much better to have a separate but allied network that can actively organise users to say, “We demand the right to communicate in ways appropriate for us”?

Drug user activists are now looking for, and experimenting with, new forms that may help build momentum for law reform. In the Top End of the NT, activists have recently formed a community coalition dedicated to taking direct action, the Network Against Prohibition. It has attracted significant community support, but its leaders and activities have also been targeted for police harassment.

This network undoubtedly gives body and life to what many of us believe is a vital next step, and one I believe should be emulated by activists in other cities. I have a number of specific suggestions on the forms and approaches that might be appropriate for this sort of network.

1. It should be a campaigning body, working at a local grassroots level, but with strong national links. AIVL has proposed a national network of drug user activists wanting to commit some time to law reform work. This may prove to be a great way of coordinating actions and staying inspired, but local actions and participation will be particularly important. .

2. We should look to unite people around a few specific demands, and take non-violent direct actions that seek to achieve those demands and educate community members.

3. Drug users should lead. While nobody should be excluded from attending organising meetings and playing an active role, efforts aimed at involving people directly in the day-to-day work and political decision-making should particularly be focused on drug users. The most successful elements of civil and democratic rights campaigns of the 2nd half of the twentieth century – women’s liberation, gays and lesbians, land rights – have been those where people from oppressed and disenfranchised communities have established organisational forms that support activists in coming out and can empower those activists to find their voices and take on leadership positions. There are many influential and articulate supporters of drug law reform – doctors, lawyers, journalists – and while these people could probably not come out if they did use for fear of losing their careers, their support on enquiries, committees, and in the media, is vital. But while many have a significant intellectual and emotional involvement in the issue, they can walk away if they choose. Drug users can’t. Once we gain the confidence and the political know-how, despite and in spite of the massive pressures in our day to day lives, we will be a stronger force than those groups lead by professionals and media stars.

4. Developing links with other activists is vital. At the same time as progressive policy is under attack all over the place, cultures of resistance are becoming reinvigorated, and we should seek to contribute to, and benefit from these as much as possible. NAP’s work in the Northern Territory is certainly setting an example in this regard. Winning support of activists in other movements for social justice is not a straightforward process. Unfortunately, userphobia can be just as prevalent inside the left as it is outside. Having been an activist who used drugs before I was a drug user activist, I saw friends and comrades become the subjects of gossip, psychological abuse, and even violence. Some left-wingers subscribe to the view that “You can’t fight the system when you’re off your face” and believe drugs are used by the ruling class to sow apathy, poverty, illness, and fatigue. While these views are a lot less common than they were ten years ago, as a result of increased social discussion about drug user issues, the visibility of the users’ movement, and the limited connections that have been made, we still have a long way to go. As well as support from those we do win over, being able to draw on the “activist infrastructure” – alternative media outlets and outdoor speaking equipment, for example – will prove invaluable.

5. We should not seek funding for it, whether governmental, business or philanthropic. Drug user activists need a vehicle that allows us to speak as openly and as freely as we require without fearing the loss of funds upon which we will become dependent.

6. The majority of campaigns and activist organisations support themselves through fundraising efforts; particularly benefit gigs, asking for donations to cover costs when actions are held, and through producing and selling items like T-shirts and badges. Fundraising with these latter items has the additional benefit of acting like a roving billboard, increasing the visibility of our issues

7. Established, funded user groups will still have a role to play in promoting drug law reform, indeed it should remain a core activity. It is vital that the formation of independent activist bodies not be seen as letting funded groups off the hook in regards to this work. We need a campaign that organises on as many different levels as possible, appearing on governmental review committees, and backing that up with a loud and visible activist movement. The point is that we need different organisational forms to work effectively on these different levels. Drug law reform should always be out front in user organisation media, particularly our magazines, but also radio, email lists, websites etc. Individuals who become inspired by these activities can both be channelled into the activist networks, and contribute to the work done by DUO in this area.

8. The flip side of this last point is that drug users who gain activist experience while involved in law reform networks can, and should be encouraged to apply for staff positions within DUO, and to put themselves forward for Committees of Management at AGM time. This symbiotic relationship between looser networks and established organisations will help ensure we have another generation of drug user activists, and will increase participation of drug users in DUO.

For some reason, I have found it incredibly difficult to organise my thoughts and write this article. What has become very clear to me in the process is that going forward will require the ideas and input of many more drug users than those I’ve been able to discuss this piece with so far. Hopefully, this article, (and one prepared at the same time by Rohan Wightman), will help inspire further discussion. In the end though, only through getting involved and trying out new ideas will we be able to determine the key components of the next wave of drug user activism.

Dare to Struggle, Dare to Win. If we don’t fight, we lose. I’m sure I speak for many of us when I say I’ve lost enough. I’ve lost a years wages up my arm. I had a lot of fun doing it, but it would undoubtedly have been more fun if it was affordable, and if I didn’t fear standover and arrest everytime I wanted to score. More importantly, I’ve lost friends. Friends to illness, friends to prison, friends to overdose, friends because they bought the bullshit that gets said about users. I’ve lost my teeth! We’ve all lost more than enough. Time to fight.
 
mibrane: I was very impressed the first time I read it and still am. It is a great thought provoking topic, which I usually throw to any "straight" drug user.

-If their vote counted, would they admit their drug use, or stay in the closet at the risk of seeing harsher penalties introduced? -

The overwhelming majority (including gay & lesbian people) have stated they would not be prepared to come out as there is too much to lose e.g family, work etc. I guess most people just can't accept the idea that policies could go "backwards" in terms of user rights and recognition of "safer" use practices.
 
Sorry all, I did realise after posting that the article was available elsewhere on bl.
Disturbing developments since this article was written.
1. Tony Abbot is now Federal Minister for Health :( . This man is a right-wing Catholic :p , and a known opponent of harm reduction 8( . Five years ago then Health Minister Dr Wooldridge had his support for a heroin trial - based on a real medical understanding of the issues -overridden by the PM in Cabinet :X . Oh how far we have fallen :\
Abbot is the Howard governments head hatchet man - as Minister for Industrial Relations he worked to introduce some of the most reactionary anti-union legislation seen in this country for many years (if its ever been that bad!) His ministerial approach seems to be based on the idea "I don't like that - I'm getting rid of it!" While he will no doubt be kept busy for sometime by the crisis in medical indemnity and negotiations with the AMA, and his key briefing to "improve public perception of Liberal Health policy" in the face of a community increasingly angered by a collapsing Medicare and public hospital system, sooner or later he will turn his attention towards other areas of the health portfolio 8o. Providence protect us all!
2. There has been a significant increase in police activity targeting the most disenfranchised drug users - homeless, indigeneous, sex workers, users in areas of massive socio-economic disadvantage - in many states. NSW is currently blooding 800 new cops - the state now has one of the highest per capita ratios of cop: civilian in the world. Operations Viking is targeting "nightspots" - read: areas where drug users live, work and play - with random stop-and-search, uniformed and undercover sniffer dog operations (fuck I hate those fucken units:X ), and just all-round nastiness and intimidation.
As mentioned in the article, these areas have spent years building up the types of services needed to ensure harm reduction on the ground - and users are being forced away from them. Cabramatta recently lost its fixed-site NSP. Undercover dog units (they were dressed as cats ;) ) were almost directly outside the MSIC in Kings X when I was there the other night (in violation of agreements and operational guidelines).

I am currently working on getting together a founding meeting for a NSW activist network to look at direct action forms of resistance to the shit-kicking users and harm reductionists have been taking in recent months. Enough is E-Fucken-Nough!!!
 
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Thanks for the info and opinions guys, it is greatly appreciated. Unfortunately, the picture in Victoria doesn't look much rosier, with Bracks bringing in the drugs bus, which has a harm reduction role on face value and in absolutist terms, yet i fear that this won't have it's intended effect as people as just as likely to return a positive test days after the impairing effects of the drug have worn off. In fact it may have the opposite effect, as people will drive under the influence if they know that they can face the same penalties for doing the right thing and not driving effected. It seems to me just like another attempt to target drug users and communities, like the situations mibrane alluded to. And we all know the associated harms sanctions from the CJS bring, in short it is not HR- it is bullshit!

John Howard, Abbot, Costello and their lackey Major (butthole) Brian Watters are all to the right of ghengis khan, yet it scares me that the same rhetoric is being used by Bracks (who has abandoned HR) and Carr on the state level. Federal and state, liberal and labour (more like libour and labral i say!) seem to be against HR. Would a change in government ressurrect HR as the predominant paradigm of drug control? I for one think that it wouldn't have that much of an effect, what we need is to have a PM whose daughter is a heroin addict, just like Bob Hawke in 1985, which i believe was a driving stimulus behind NCADA that launched the HR platform. What do people think?

P.S. does anybody at least know the name of the report that argued for harm prevention instead of harm reduction across the board

P.P.S. i'd love to hear jb take on this as an involved expert and if he does i'll swear i'll never post drunk on bluelight again.
 
Harm Prevention? WTF? Sorry I am way confused now, too many terms.

Perhaps I'll just guess and suggest "The Pennington Report", Premier's Drug Advisory Council (1996) Drugs and Our Community, Victorian Government: Melbourne, which recommended the de-criminalisation of marijuana. This report had a lot of recommendations for harm reduction but it was shelved by the Kennet government for, well you can guess the reasons.

I can't seem to find a copy of the report in the net, keep getting 404s. I'll keep trying.
 
i think that harm prevention refers to one particular tenet of harm reduction- preventing the harm from ever happening in the first place, which sounds remarkably like the arguments used by those totally opposed to the harm reduction theory- reducing the harms associated with drug use is 'giving up' on the drugs problem and an admission of defeat (yay for the continued use of war analogies when it has been repeatedly demonstrated that the whole conception of a war on drugs produces increased harm) and what is really needed is stopping people taking drugs in the first place- like increasing drug sentences that's really a good way of stopping people from ever trying drugs 8). Thus i believe the term harm prevention (i think the term was used in the road to recovery report although this is a guess) is in fact a thinly veiled attempt incorporate greater supply and demand reduction measures (traditionally the realm of law enforcement and the medical profession) into drug control strategies whilst retaining the veneer of having a harm reduction approach
 
oh and it wasn't the pennington report, which i've read some of before, it was much more recently, as i read a letter to the editor detailing a Drug and Alcohol workers criticism at what they saw as replacing harm reduction strategy with only a small component of it- harm prevention
 
may well have been i'll check through the link on the enlighten website....... i know various DA workers are completely pissed off at the current state government, the YSAS guy i spoke to felt utterly betrayed by the Bracks govt. since supervised injection rooms were part of their campaign promises and have since been scrapped!
 
Well I didn't feel it was appropriate to comment about the undercover dogs, but seeing as BT did...I will too. ROFL=D What a witty little gem, hidden amongst all the serious stuff.
 
If you haven't already stopped by Families and Friends for Drug Law Reform website, do it! There is some really thought provoking stuff on how to generate law or policy reform and I have to say that
this discussion raises some very interesting points indeed about harm minimisation.

I'm still unsure as to what you mean by harm prevention, although your guess above (Tabernacle) sounds reasonable?

I was going to post the definitions of Harm Minimisation and related concepts as presented in the draft ACT Drug Strategy, but have realised that I can't remember back to June that clearly, so I'll try to get madmick to post it.. Mainly because I'm sure it used 3 slightly different terms to the traditional supply, demand and harm.

Essentially what I'm saying below has pretty much already been said, but I felt like having my voice heard today :D

In my understanding, Harm Minimisation is a guiding principle (which as others have noted) aimed at zero drug use. Generally speaking, HM consists of 3 elements: supply reduction, demand reduction and harm reduction. The first two are pretty simple concepts, interfere with the supply and demand cycle of drugs. There are inherent harms for drug users implicated within these two elements of harm minimisation. Demand reduction methods have so far involved (my observations) those commercials which develop an undesireable image of "the drug user", and deterrents, such as the legal implications of drug use/possession. The legal dimensions and the (broader) social repercussions of the constructed image of drug use (ie that it is inherently bad, evil blah blah) results in unessecary harms to drug users that may not otherwise be exposed to harm. Here I am using harm to refer to social implications (with note to a friend's honesty to his mother about occaisional drug use, and her constant question "are you sober today?") devaluation of cultures related to drug use (eg rave/dance culture - targeted and demonised by the popular media as a result of policies, discriminated against by police) and fear of seeking appropriate (professional) help in the case of a drug related mishap, increased anxiety with law enforcement presence . Not to mention the implications for quality and safety of drug use (drug purity/strength issues and so on) which are often exacerbated due to supply interference without an effective demand reduction (rehabilitation -> abstinence is obviously not suitable for all drug users).

This is quite apparantly (in the current approach) in contradiction to the harm reduction aspect of the Harm Minimisation principle. It is obvious that a significant number of people will do drugs regardless of any interference, and it is therefore socially responsible and necessary to provide them with information (and resources such as clean needles) so that they can reduce the risk of harm to themselves and the community at large.

In the course of my Communications degree, I wrote an essay in which I discussed the limitations of the National Illicit Drugs Campaign during which I uncovered some interesting conspiracy theories ;) I have said it better within that essay that in order to develop successful ways of dealing with drug issue, what must first be done is create meaningful (and I can't stress 'meaningful' enough) dialogue between users and policy makers, that in fact, successful policy to deal with the drug issue needs users to guide and contribute to the development of policies which relates to drug use. That obviously cannot be done while Maj. Watters is alive or cognisant enough to remain in an advisory role to Little Johny Howard. I believe strongly in the need for the identification of needs from a drug user perspective rather than a 'we have to do something about those damned drug users - they're still gaining numbers!' perspective. It may not be able to be done even in the absense of these two backward thinkers. Drug use and users have a well esablished negative image, which is unlikely to go away overnight and impacts on the attractiveness of contributing to policy: and this may very well discourage user contribution to policy even if the political environment does recognise this need.

Here's a transcript from a four corners show which sums up the shit that happened during the development of the NIDC, note the lovely quotes from Major BW Transcript

Ok, I could go on for a while longer, but I think I'll leave it here for now :)
 
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